Saturday 11 November 2017

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Tutkimus tuotto - ja volatiliteetin vaikutuksesta varastossa, CDS: ssä ja valuuttamarkkinoilla Koreassa valuuttamarkkinoilla ja Yhdysvaltain osakemarkkinoilla Korean osakemarkkinoille sekä volatiliteetista Taly I Contact Author I, Taly, Tutkimus tuotto - ja volatiliteetin vaikutuksista varastossa, CDS: ssä ja valuuttamarkkinoilla Koreassa 30. syyskuuta 2015.KRX muodostettiin Koreassa, Korean Futures Exchange ja Korean Securities Dealers Automated Quotations KOSDAQ, Korean Stock Futures Exchange Actin mukaan. Korean arvopaperipörssiyhteys Uusien pörssien arvopaperi - ja futuurimarkkinat ovat nyt toimi KRX: n liiketoiminta-alueittain Stock Market Division KSE: n, KOSDAQ Market Divisionin ja Futures Market Forex En Ln: n ea En Cuba Lisäksi valuuttamarkkinoiden ja Yhdysvaltain osakemarkkinoiden takaisinvirtausvaikutukset Korean osakemarkkinoille sekä Japanin osakemarkkinoiden ja Korean osakemarkkinoiden volatiliteetin vaikutukset ovat sekä merkittäviä Intra Day Ideal Strategy Forex - kauppoja vuoden 2005 lopussa se sijoitettiin 15. sijalle markkina-arvon perusteella ja 9. kaupankäynnin arvosta World Exchange Federationin jäsenvaihtoihin. 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Guru dapat mengajarkan EFT pada muridnya yang mengalami gangguan emosi bandel, sukar Keskittyä, nauraa, moody, masalah yang berkaitan dengan perubahan hormoni seksuaalinen pada remaja, dsb. Pelajar Mahasiswa dapat menggunakan EFT saat malas belajar, mempelajari pelajaran yang dibenci, menghadapi guru dosen killer, atau nervous menjelang ujian, serta mengendalikan emosi untuk meraih prestasi yang tinggi. Guru bimbingan dan konseling BK dapat bekerja jauh lebih efektif dan efisien dengan mempraktikkan EFT. Dunia bisnis saat ini penuh dengan tantangan yang semakin berat karena ketatnya persaingan, sekaligus menawarkan peluang yang sangat besar bagi mereka yang siap berjuang untuk menang Kunci kemenangan dalam dunia bisnis juga dalam bidang lain adalah huippuarvon E kinerja unggul. Kinerja unggul ini bisa berupa jõõtte penjualan yang mengesankan, tingkat produ yang tinggi, ide-ide kreatif inovatif, budaya kerja yang efisien, dsb Dalam hal ini, EFT dapat digunakan untuk mengatasi berbagai masalah yang sering menghambat liikemies naaras melukukan kinerja Unggul seperti. Takut gagal atau takut sukses. Kesulitan dalam menyusun tavoite maalit tuhkakilpikirkko. Kaikki berbicara depan julkinen memberikan presentasi. Takut ditolak masalah utama orang ngeri dan enggan. Bekerja di dunia myynti atau verkko-marketing. Cemas menjelang negosiasi atau bertemu prospek jotka ovat luoneet termejä, dsb. Koleksi Lengkap 16 Video - elokuvat Gary Craig Berisi ja DVD Gary Craig, penemu EFT. Pakkaus 16 DVD PELATIHAN EFT 1 CD Ebook EFT Gary Craig, penemu EFT.1 VCD EFT Versi Bhs Indonesia.1 Satu set manuaalinen belajar EFT Indonesia Versio 2 Satapaketti Kalimat Pankkitietojen määrittäminen 3 Ohjelman määrittäminen Creator 4 Sertificate EFT Indones ia Online Programme EFT-INA Level 1, harus lulus ujian ilmaiseksi Hanya Rp 750 000 Ilmainen Biaya Kirim. Emosional Freedom Tekniikka EFT didasarkan pada penemuan baru yang dapat menangani banyak rasa sakit, penyakit fisik dan isu-isu emotionaalinen Dapat dikatakan EFT adalah versi Emotionaalinen dari akupunktuuri äkkilähtöinen menggunakan jarum Tapi dengan menyelaraskan sistim energian putoamaan titikit titikan pituuspiirille putuhun Anda, dengan cara mentapping mengetuk dengan jari Anda Prosesnya sangat mudah untuk diingat dan dapat diterapkan di mana saja. EFT merupakan tekninen pengembangan diri ekletis yang menggabungkan 14 macam teknik terapi termasuk kekuatan hengellinen untuk mengatasi berbagai makam masalah fizik, emosi, pikiran, sikap, motivasi, perilaku, dan huippu suorituskyky secara cepat, mudah universal 14 makam teknik terapi yang masuk dalam teknik EFT kognitiivinen terapia NLP, käyttäytymishäiriö, logoterapia, psykoanalisa , EMDR, Self Hypnosis Ericsonian Sugesty - vakuutus, visualisointi, Gestalt Terapia, Meditaatio, Sedona Methode Provosoiva hoito, Energioterapia EFT Tehokas rukous. Hal ini membuat kemunculkan EFT Discovery lausuma yang mengatakan. Penyebab segala makam emosi negatif adalah terganggunya sistim energ tubuh. Dan karena penyakit fisik kita sangat terkait dengan emosi kita, pernyataan berikut sangatlah benar. Emosi-emosi negatif yang tak terselesaikan, menjadi penyebab utama paluu hampir semua penyakit fisik kita. EFT mendasarkan kekuatannya pada. 1 Penemuan di dunia Timur yang lebih dari 5000 tahun. 2 Albert Einstein, vuonna 1920 menyatakan bahwa segala sesuatu termasuk tubuh kita tersusun dari energia. Praktek-praktek penyembuhan barat mengabaikan dasar-dasar di atas dan mengapa EFT sering berhasil pada kasus-kasus yang tidak dapat ditangani. Keuntungan-keuntungan lain menanti Anda seperti. Anda dapat membuat langkah besar dengan memanfaatkan EFT ke dalam proses terapi Anda Apakah Anda sebagai ammatillinen atau sebagai pasien Daripada membutuhkan waktu berbulan-bulan atau bertahun-tahun menggunakan talk terapia yang tavanomainen, EFT sering jäsenyydestä on tullut tunnuksia ja menoja terkadang terjadi dalam sekejap Di EFT on yksi minuutti ihmeitä. EFT mampu jäseniä sampah-sampah emosi, langkah selanjutnya adalah memperhatikan bagaimana penyakit fisik mulai lenyap Sakit kepala, sakit punggung dan ketidaknyamanan lainnya akan mengalami perbaikan atau hilang sama sekali Penglihatan Anda mungkin menjadi lebih jelas dan stress stressi akan hilang. Pada dasarnya, Anda dapat gunakan EFT ei ole räjähdysvalmisteinen Intian sunnuntai ja sunnuntaina EFT: n ja Anda Dapat menggunakan prosedur dasarnya untuk menghilangkan ketakutan berbicara of depan umum, atau memperbaiki skor pada permainan golf Anda Anda juga dapat menggunakannya untuk allergi hingga kanker Termasuk pada ketakutaani, trauma, depresi dan skitsofrenia ja alkoholi-benar-benar menyadari kemampuan universal dari EFT, Anda akan dengan senan hati bergabung dengan antusias Tidak ada yang seperti EFT. EFT-kurssi DVD terdiri dari.1 EFT-käsikirjan kokoelma 2 osa I Video 1a Perusresepti 3 Osa I, video 1b Dave pelkää vettä 4 Osa I Video 2a Workshopin kohokohdat 5 Osa I Videot 2b Tapaustutkimukset 6 Osa I, video 3 6 päivää VA 7 Osa II, video 1 Yleiskatsaus 8 Osa II, Video 2 Yleisöesimerkkejä 9 Osa II, video 3 Emotionaalinen numero I 10 Osa II, video 4 Emotionaalinen numero II 11 Osa II, video 5 Fyysinen numero 12 Osa II, video 6 Lisääntyvä huvi 13 Osa II, Vi deo 7 Toksiinit, fobia pysyvyyden 14 osa II, video 8 Yleiset ongelmat. Kemungkinan batas-batas EFT. Saya tidak mengklaim bahwa EFT itu sempurna, Kami tidak mengklaim 100 Tetapi biasanya EFT on julkaissut tiedot käyttäjää ja sinun tulee seurata EFT: n sering mamma mana teknik yang laillisesti sanggup-tanssinpelaaja, joka on menossaan jalkapallonsa, joka on tytöillä, jotka ovat tunget, jotka ovat kallistuneet 5: ssä. Säveltäjä on tehnyt mielenosoituksia, jotka ovat EAF: n ja EFT: n epäonnistuneiden muistopuheluiden joukossa. Niinpä EAF: n sementaryhmä ja - paidat ovat EFT: n ja Sangaran mengesankan, janganlah pergi di mana Anda belum memiliki qualifikasi Apa saja yang dapat ditangani EFT - Kecemasan - Kemarahan - Pakonomainen käyttäytyminen - Paniikkihäiriö - Kecanduan rokok atau obat-obatan - Stressi dan Depresi - Trauma Masa lalu PTSD - Ketjukangas Fobia ketinggian, binatang, atau benda tertentu - Kecemasan di tempat umum Ketakutan berbicara de depan umum - Sakit Kepala Migren - Kuljettajaluokkaketju - Blok Mental - Perasaan Malu bersalah - Unettomuus - Pasca aivohalvaus - Kekecewaan atau sakit hati - Peak Performance - Masalah seksuaalinen - Masalah pada anak atau wanita - Kanker - Allergi. Apa Keistimewaan EFT.1 Efektif, mampu meyelesaikan berbagai masalah fisik dan emosi, bahkan untuk beberapa masalah yang divonis tidak ada harapan lagi oleh dokter Ilmiah telah dibuktikan oleh puluhan penelitian dan digunakan oleh lebih dari 100 000 orang di seluruh dunia 2 Mudah, semua orang, bahkan anak-anak dan orang lanjut usia, bisa melakukan 3 Cepat, hanya membutuhkan waktu 5 50 menit Umumnya sudah dapat terasa efektivitasnya dalam waktu 15 menit 4 Aman, tanpa efekti samping, karena tidak menggunakan obat-obatan apapun, työkalu khusus, atau teknik yang beresiko 5 Murah, sekali belajar dapat dipakai selamanya 6 Memberdayakan, tidak tergantung kepada terapist , setiap orang bisa melakukannya lähettäjä bahkan bisa membantu orang lain 7 Universal, joka on valmistettu pussilakana ja makaamaa masalah dan dapat dipraktekkan oleh berbagai orang tanpa memperdulikan latar belakang apapun dari orang tersebut Yhteensopiva, dapat digabungkan dengan berbagai makam tekninen lain ja dapat meningkatkan efektivitas teknik-teknik lain tersebut. Dengan menguasai EFT, insya allah anda bisa.1 Mendapatkan apa yang anda inginkan syvä EFT 2 Menyembuhkan diri Lähettäjän nimi tai sähköpostiosoite, jos haluat lähettää sähköpostiosoitteesi ja rekisteröidä salasanasi tai salasanaasi tai salasanaasi tai sähköpostiosoitettasi. Lisää tämä sivu suosikkeihisi Del. icio. us Facebook Digg Stumbleupon Reddit StumbleUpon del. icio. us Digg StumbleUpon Google Bookmarks Tekniikka, joka auttaa sinua hallitsemaan lääketieteellisiä terapeuttisia terapeuttisia lääkkeitä, jotka saavat ini yang dapat dengan cepat menangani masalah fisik dan emotional 85 penyakit fisik berasal dari masalah dapat menangani kasus-kasus Kivunlievitys, viha, riippuvuus, ahdistuneisuus, trauma, masennus, pelko fobia, allergiat, verenpaine, Suhteet kysymyksiin, naisasiat, lapset, koulu, urheilu, a seksuaaliset ongelmat, vakavat sairaudet migreenistä syöpään. Setelah mempraktekkannya pada diri saya sendiri, keluarga, santri, orang-orang yang saya temu, saya yakin jika teknik revolusioner ini akan memberikan manfaat yang sangat besar saya merekomendasikan agar semua orang bersedia belajar teknik ini untuk mengatasi dan memantu orang lain KH Abdullah Gymnastiar pengasuh pondok pesantren Darut Tauhid Bandung. Menawarkan taito käytännössä yang telah terbukti banyak membantu practisinya dalam mengatasi masalah fyysinen päivä emosi, meningkatkan kinerja dan lopettaa serta membantu menemukan kebahagiaan hati Ary Ginanjar Agustian Penemu menetelmä ESQ. jika ingin belajar teknik penyembuhan diri dan trauma, dengan SEFT kirjoittanut kaveri, oppia paras tai kuole kuten lepo Tung Desem Waringin Pembicara ei 1 versi majalah markkinointi LATAA GRATIS BUKU EFT. Anda mau EBOOK GRATIS Sebagai bentuk terimakasih telah mengunjungi situs Agen CD kami Silakan lataa sepuasnya eBOOK GRATIS dibawah ini Semoga bermanfaat. 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KEPADA PELANGGAN YANG SUDAH BELI. Bumi Nusantara menyimpan demikian besar kekayaan arkeologis peradaban manusia dari masa ke masa, dari kedalaman lautan hingga pegunungan tinggi, di atas tanah maupun terkubur di perut bumi. Peninggalan-peninggalan itu seakan menjadi kapsul waktu yang menyedot kita ke masa silam Ia mengekalkan secuil kisah tentang mereka yang hidup jauh sebelum kita Ia seolah menjadi batang agar pucuk pohon tertinggi tetap bisa memahami akarnya. Jejak masa lalu itu pula yang banyak terhampar di Provinsi Sulawesi Tenggara Sultra Salah satunya di situs goa prasejarah Wawontoaho di Kecamatan Wiwirano, Kabupaten Konawe Utara Namun, masyarakat luar lebih mengenal situs itu dengan nama Goa Tengkorak. Bukan tanpa alasan penyebutan nama angker itu Di situs yang terletak di perbukitan karst tersebut banyak ditemukan tengkorak manusia Nenek moyang suku Culambacu, salah satu suku asli Sultra yang sejak ribuan tahun lalu mendiami wilayah tersebut, memiliki tradisi penguburan jenazah di goa-goa, termasuk di Wawontoaho. Situs Goa Tengkorak terletak 196 kilometer km dari Kota Kendari, ibu kota Sultra Perbukitan Wawontoaho dilintasi Jalan Trans-Sulawesi yang menghubungkan Sultra dan Sulawesi Tengah Sulteng Bukit itu dikepung perkebunan sawit warga dan PTPN XIV. K ompas berkesempatan mengunjungi dua goa di Wawontoaho, Sabtu 12 3 Sebenarnya, dari penuturan Hasan Ilyas 17 , pemandu yang juga warga setempat, terdapat setidaknya sepuluh mulut goa di Wawontoaho yang menyimpan peninggalan arkeologis. Namun, tidak semuanya mudah diakses karena medan yang berat dan harus dibekali peralatan yang memadai Sebagian goa-goa itu juga terhubung antara satu dengan yang lain melalui terowongan maupun celah-celah sempit dan gelap. Salah satu goa yang didatangi berada pada ketinggian 10 meter dari permukaan tanah Untuk mencapai goa itu diperlukan usaha ekstra dan kehati-hatian karena harus memanjat tebing tegak berbatu cadas. Dari penuturan Hasan yang diperolehnya dari cerita turun - temurun, awalnya goa itu dihuni manusia purba yang bertinggi 3 meter Di goa berukuran sekitar 5 meter x 7 meter dengan tinggi lebih dari 4 meter itu masih bisa ditemukan dua tengkorak utuh dan tulang-belulang. Belum diketahui pasti usia tengkorak dan tulang-belulang itu, tetapi diyakini se bagai jenazah suku Culambacu yang dikubur di sana ratusan atau ribuan tahun silam Terdapat pula pecahan gerabah, guci, mangkuk, keramik berukir, lesung kayu, dan kaki patung. Waktu saya pertama kali masuk ke goa ini pada 2002, masih ada ratusan tengkorak dan banyak guci yang masih utuh Sekarang tengkorak sudah banyak yang rusak dan guci-guci juga banyak yang hilang Tinggal tersisa pecahan-pecahan ini, kata Hasan. Hal itu dibenarkan tetua adat Culambacu, Laende 72 Bahkan, ia menambahkan, dulu pernah ada warga yang menemukan tengkorak manusia seukuran baskom dan tulang betis sepanjang 1 meter di goa tersebut Entah di mana kini temuan itu. Laende mengatakan, penjarahan goa-goa marak dilakukan warga sekitar dan warga luar sekitar tahun 1980. Banyak yang ambil barang-barang di goa untuk dijual, katanya Selain barang pecah belah, Laende mengatakan, dulunya juga banyak perhiasan, keris, atau senjata tradisional berbahan logam lainnya di goa-goa itu Kini, kedua jenis barang itu tak tersisa lagi. Laende menceritakan, sebelum kedatangan Islam, masyarakat Culambacu memiliki tradisi menguburkan jenazah di goa-goa Warga yang meninggal dibawa ke goa dan diletakkan di sana d alam sebuah lesung kayu berbentuk seperti sampan Berbagai barang seperti guci, keramik, perhiasan, dan senjata tradisional juga disertakan sebagai bekal kubur. Selain sebagai tempat penguburan, karena letaknya yang tinggi, perbukitan Wawontoaho pernah juga menjadi pos pengawasan pada zaman kerajaan Bahkan, dari fungsi itulah nama Wawontoaho diambil, yang berarti melihat dari atas dalam bahasa setempat. Karena itu, saya tidak setuju dengan penamaan Goa Tengkorak karena tidak sesuai dengan sejarah Nama goa itu Wawontoaho, tegas Laende Setelah Islam masuk, tradisi penguburan di goa pun ditinggalkan dan beralih ke penguburan dalam tanah seperti sekarang. Berdasarkan penelitian yang dilakukan Balai Arkeologi Makassar dan Dinas Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata Sultra pada 2009, goa itu diperkirakan mulai digunakan sebagai tempat penguburan pada sekitar 1 000 tahun sebelum Masehi hingga abad ke-15 Masehi taksiran usia keramik termuda bermotif naga yang diperkirakan berasal dari zaman Dinasti Ming di China. Dari penelitian itu pula diyakini goa-goa tersebut sebelumnya juga pernah dijadikan permukiman manusia purba Beberapa bukti yang menguatkan dugaan itu adalah temuan fragmen kerang, alat-alat serpih berbahan batu dan gamping, beliung yang dipoles, fragmen gerabah, dan sisa-sisa pembakaran arang di permukaan maupun hasil penggalian. Kemungkinan, Goa Wawontoaho pertama kali dihuni oleh kelompok manusi a yang sudah mengenal tradisi melukis di dinding goa, seperti ditemukan di Goa Asera, wilayah yang berbatasan dengan Kecamatan Wiwirano Tradisi lukisan goa itu diperkirakan berasal dari masa 10 000-40 000 tahun lalu. Saat dihubungi beberapa waktu lalu, Kepala Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala BP3 Makassar Andi Muhammad Said, yang juga membawahi wilayah Sultra, mengatakan, situs goa prasejarah di Konawe Utara itu memiliki kaitan dengan goa-goa purbakala serupa yang berada di poros Maros-Pangkep, Sulawesi Selatan. Goa-goa itu diduga menjadi peninggalan peradaban manusia pertama yang menetap di Sulawesi Kehidupan di goa-goa mengindikasikan sejarah awal manusia pada fase ke-2 setelah fase nomaden, ujar Andi. Namun, goa-goa itu saat ini minim pengawasan sehingga sangat rentan terhadap perusakan dan penjarahan Salah satu goa bahkan sudah dicemari vandalisme berupa coret-coretan iseng Goa Tengkorak juga belum mendapat status perlindungan dari pemerintah kabupaten, provinsi, maupun pusat. Padahal, goa-goa tersebut belum dieksplorasi secara mendalam dari aspek arkeologisnya Masih banyak hal yang seharusnya bisa diungkap tentang kehidupan prasejarah di sana, ujar staf Teknis Arkeologi Dinas Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata Sultra, La Ode Ali Ahmadi. Sebagai tetua adat, Laende juga menyesalkan kondisi Wawontoaho saat ini Ia menilai, pemerintah tidak serius melestarikan peninggalan tersebut Buktinya, di sekitar goa sekarang penuh perkebunan sawit Seharusnya, sebagai tempat bersejarah, perbukitan itu dilindungi, ujarnya. Jejak-jejak bernilai tinggi yang belum seluruhnya diungkap itu justru kini hampir pudar Akankah untaian panjang lorong waktu itu terputus di generasi ini. Posted 04 May 2011 11 49 AM PDT. Ketika gempa menggoyang Tasikmalaya, Jawa Barat, 2 September lalu, warga Kampung Naga tidak panik Tidak ada pula rumah rusak Rumah mereka luwes menghadapi getaran gempa. Peristiwa terbilang langka terjadi di Kampung Naga, sebuah kampung adat tradisional di Desa Neglasari, Kecamatan Sal awu, yang terletak 30 kilometer dari kota Tasikmalaya Kamis 5 11 lalu, warga bergotong royong menggeser rumah sejauh sekitar 30 meter ke lokasi baru Penggeseran rumah semacam itu terakhir kali terjadi di kampung itu sekitar 30 tahun silam. Rumah seukuran 7,50 X 4,80 meter itu digeser, didorong, dan diputar 180 derajat dari posisi semula dan masih dalam keadaan utuh Dinding yang terbuat dari anyaman bambu, lantai dari kayu, tiang dan kusen kayu, rusuk dari bambu, dan atap ijuk tidak mengalami kerusakan yang berarti. Tak kurang dari 80 orang terlibat dalam kerja kolosal itu Seseorang bertindak sebagai pemberi komando Sekitar 50 orang kebagian tugas mendorong rumah dari tiga sisi Sisa yang lain bertugas menarik dan mengungkit rumah dengan tuas. Proses pemindahan menggunakan teknologi sederhana Pada dasar rumah dipasang batang-batang pohon pinang yang berfungsi sebagai roda pemudah gerak Di atas batang-batang pohon pinang itulah rumah digeser-geser Pemindahan berlangsung sekitar tiga setengah jam mulai pukul 07 00 hingga 10 30.Ketua Ikatan Arsitek Indonesia IAI Jawa Barat Pon S Pura Jatnika yang menyaksikan penggeseran rumah itu memuji daya lentur rumah di Kampung Naga Guncangan saat rumah itu digeser, katanya, lebih besar dari getaran gempa Tasikmalaya yang berkekuatan 7,3 skala Richter Rumah itu digeser, tetapi bentuk awal rumah tak berubah, kata Jatnika. Selaras dengan alam. Juru kunci Kampung Naga, Ade Suherlin 50 , mengibaratkan bangunan di sana sebagai tubuh manusia, ada kepala yaitu atap rumah, ada badan yang bertumpu di atas kaki, yaitu tiang dari batu kali yang dipendam di tanah Semua bagian yang ada pada tubuh manusia juga ada pada rumah kami, jadinya kuat, papar Ade. Tiang-tiang bangunan itu disambung tanpa paku besi, melainkan memakai sistem knockdown dan ikat yang memungkinkan gerakan lentur. Hanya 1,5 hektar dari Kampung Naga seluas 10 hektar dijadikan tempat tinggal, sekitar 5 hektar adalah hutan larangan yang mutlak tak boleh disentuh, sisanya dipakai untuk saw ah, kebun, dan makam Dengan cara ini, selain ketersediaan air terjamin, juga kampung yang berada di ceruk ini terjaga dari tanah longsor Kami hidup bersama dengan alam, tambah Ade. Gempa tidak menimbulkan kerusakan pada 113 bangunan di Kampung Naga yang dihuni lebih dari seratus keluarga Warga kampung yang tengah berada di dalam rumah pun tidak ketakutan Justru yang tengah berada di luar rumah merasa takut, seperti dialami Ayo Sunaryo 53 , petani Kampung Naga. Saya sedang menebang bambu dan getaran terasa keras Saya takut tanah longsor Tetapi, di rumah panggung seperti ini, saya malah tidak gentar, tidak panik menghadapi gempa, kata Ayo di emperan rumah panggungnya. Elastisitas rumah Kampung Naga dimungkinkan oleh materi bahan dan fondasi yang tidak ditanam di dalam tanah Rumah menggunakan bahan ringan seperti kayu dan bambu Fondasi diangkat ke atas tanah, bukan ditanam ke dalam seperti rumah tembok di kota, menjadikan rumah lebih lentur menghadapi getaran, kata Jatnika. Tiang rumah bertum pu pada batu Antara permukaan tanah dan lantai rumah itu terbentuk kolong setinggi sekitar setengah meter Ketika ada gampa, rumah ikut bergoyang menyesuaikan gerak getaran Hal ini berbeda dengan rumah dengan konstruksi beton yang masif yang sifatnya bertahan dari getaran gempa. Konstruksi rumah yang duduk di atas fondasi yang diangkat di atas tanah, menurut arsitek Yori Antar, banyak dijumpai di rumah tradisional Indonesia Kearifan lokal itu hasil pengalaman empiris masyarakat selama ratusan tahun sehingga menghasilkan bangunan yang sesuai dengan alam lingkungan tempat tinggal. Rumah Nias adalah contoh konstruksi bangunan tradisional yang berkembang sangat canggih dengan banyak konstruksi penyangga kayu yang membuat bangunan di sana tahan menghadapi gempa, kata Yori yang banyak mendokumentasi arsitektur tradisional. Arsitektur rumah, menurut arsitek Eko Prawoto, berkaitan dengan sikap hidup manusia Mereka warga Kampung Naga menerima, tidak menentang alam Mereka berada dalam kesatuan yang utuh dengan alam, kata Eko, arsitek yang mengajar di Jurusan Arsitektur Universitas Kristen Duta Wacana, Yogyakarta. Dengan arsitektur elastis semacam itu, rumah di Kampung Naga mempunyai penyeimbang untuk melawan gerak gempa Sebagian energi gempa di - counter, tetapi tidak frontal Ini seperti halnya pohon yang mempunyai toleransi gerak, kata Eko. Arsitektur tradisional mempunyai logika semacam itu Hal itu, dikatakan Eko, merupakan akumulasi pengalaman ratusan tahun menghadapi fenomena alam seperti gempa, banjir, dan angin Dari pengalaman itu mereka menemukan sistem dan arsitektur seperti terlihat di Kampung Naga, Toraja, Nias, dan lainnya. Apa yang bisa dipelajari orang modern dari kearifan lokal Kampung Naga Lihatlah spirit dan sikap mereka terhadap alam Buatlah konstruksi ringan agar risiko terhadap gempa kecil Orang sering hanya mengejar bentuk dan menganggap beton sebagai simbol kemodernan, tetapi impact - nya sangat besar bila terjadi gempa. Dalam pengalaman Yori dengan rumah tradision al di Wairebo, Flores, Nusa Tenggara Timur, dan rumah-rumah tradisional di berbagai tempat, arsitektur tradisional berangkat dari pengalaman konkret sekitar. Sayangnya, kearifan untuk menyatu dengan alam itu terputus ketika manusia semakin modern Menjadi modern diartikan secara sempit membangun rumah tembok tanpa berdialog dengan lingkungan sekitar Yang tradisional tidak lagi ditengok karena dianggap kuno, kata Yori Arbain Rambey. Sumber Frans Sartono dan Ninuk M Pambudy. Posted 04 May 2011 11 47 AM PDT. Oleh Antony Lee. Bau dupa tercium keras di antara deretan Candi Ngempon di Kecamatan Bergas, Kabupaten Semarang, Rabu 14 10 Sekitar 100 penganut Hindu, tua dan muda, dari berbagai daerah di Jawa Tengah masyuk mengatupkan kedua telapak tangan dan menempelkannya ke dahi Sementara pinandita melantunkan petikan dharma gita, pujian kepada para dewata. Sesajian yang terdiri dari unsur, bunga, buah, air, dan daun ditaruh di bagian undakan candi utama dan tiga candi perwara Tidak lupa dupa turut din yalakan, tiga batang untuk candi utama, dan masing-masing satu untuk candi perwara Prosesi puncak dilakukan dengan mengelilingi candi, diawali pembawa obor dari ikatan daun kelapa kering, diikuti pembawa tepung tawar yang menaburkan tepung itu sambil berjalan. Diikuti pembawa kentungan dan pembawa air suci serta pembawa pelepah kelapa Mereka tiga kali mengelilingi kompleks candi Putaran pertama untuk bio kala atau bio kawon yang bertujuan menyucikan kaki candi, sedangkan putaran kedua untuk durmanggala, menyucikan bagian tubuh candi Putaran ketiga untuk prias cita, membersihkan bagian atas candi Prosesi lantas dilanjutkan dengan doa bersama dan membacakan pupi-puji kepada para dewata. Meparisudha itu diselenggarakan bertepatan dengan perayaan Galungan, hari besar umat Hindu, yang merayakan kemenangan dharma kebaikan melawan adharma keburukan Kegiatan ini digagas bersama oleh Parisada Hindu Dharma Jateng dan Paguyuban Peduli Cagar Budaya Ratu Shima. Setelah meparisudha ini, Candi Ngempon sudah bisa dipergunakan beribadah untuk berbagai perayaan umat Hindu, tutur I Nyoman Wedu, Wakil Ketua Paguyuban Pinandita Jateng yang memimpin prosesi persembahyangan. Kompleks Candi Ngempon seluas 2 500 meter persegi itu dipugar pada tahun 2006 Tahun 1951 warga sekitar menemukan tumpukan bebatuan di persawahan yang diperkirakan bebatuan candi Lalu, temuan itu mulai digali pada tahun 1952.Candi yang dipergunakan penganut Shiwais ini diperkirakan berasal dari masa Mataram Kuno, dibangun Wangsa Sanjaya pada abad VII atau VIII Hampir seusia dengan Candi Gedong Songo di Kecamatan Bandungan, Kabupaten Semarang. Keberadaan candi yang semula tak terlalu mendapat perhatian karena letaknya cukup terpencil, antara persawahan dan sungai, itu mulai menjadi perhatian setelah pada akhir Juni lalu ditemukan petirtaan dalam kondisi nyaris sempurna sekitar 200 meter dari candi itu. Pemandian air hangat itu juga diperkirakan berasal dari periode yang sama dan digunak an untuk bersuci sebelum memanjatkan doa di kompleks candi. Kami berharap dengan kembali difungsikan, Candi Ngempon bisa menjadi lokasi wisata religi sekaligus wisatawan juga tertarik untuk datang melihat prosesi di candi ini, tutur Ketua Paguyuban Peduli Cagar Budaya Ratu Shima, Sutikno. Inisiatif semacam ini yang tampaknya sangat kurang dimiliki Pemerintah Kabupaten Semarang sehingga dimunculkan para pencinta benda cagar budaya Sutikno meyakini, dengan mengemas tempat wisata menjadi semenarik mungkin dan dibalut kisah budaya lokal, akan banyak wisatawan yang datang. Secara tidak langsung, geliat kehidupan dari candi ini akan memberikan sumber pencarian bagi penduduk sekitar, mulai dari lokasi parkir, penjual makanan kecil dan minuman, hingga penjual sesaji persembahyangan. Baru pertama kali beribadah di candi ini rasanya nyaman Cukup sepi, walau tidak terlampau besar, tetapi dekat dengan rumah kami, tutur I Putu Arya Suyasa 44 , umat asal Pringapus, Kabupaten Semarang, yang turut hadir. Dan, peluang selalu akan terbuka setelah candi itu kembali hidup. Posted 04 May 2011 11 43 AM PDT. Oleh Ilham Khoiri. Apa yang bisa kita cermati dari sebuah topeng Lebih dari sekadar penutup wajah, sejatinya topeng mencerminkan pandangan dunia Dalam masyarakat tradisional di Nusantara, topeng dianggap sebagai sarana bagi manusia untuk memahami dirinya, alam semesta, dan Tuhan. Kesan itu kental terasa saat menyaksikan pameran Beyond Faces Seratus Ragam Topeng Indonesia Raya di Galeri North Art Space, Pasar Seni Ancol, Jakarta Utara Pameran dibuka, Jumat 20 11 lalu, dan bakal berlangsung selama tiga minggu Ditampilkan 100-an topeng, sebagian besar merupakan koleksi Rumah Topeng dan Wayang Setia Dharma di Kubu Bringin, Gianyar, Bali. Topeng-topeng itu berasal dari sejumlah daerah di Nusantara, mulai dari Bali, Kalimantan, Batak, Cirebon, Jember, Yogyakarta, sampai Madura Kurasi ditangani pengamat seni rupa Agus Dermawan T dan kurator Rumah Topeng Setia Dharma, Agustinus Prayitno. Melihat jejeran 100-an topeng pada dinding galeri, pengunjung langsung dikejutkan dengan keragaman visual Setiap daerah memiliki karakteristik bentuk, warna, dan perwatakan topeng yang khas Setiap karakter menggambarkan citarasa dan pandangan dunia setiap kelompok masyarakat. Topeng dari Bali, misalnya, menghadirkan karakter tokoh pewayangan, tokoh rekaan, atau pahlawan Gaya topeng yang umumnya hasil garapan I Wayan Tangguh itu cenderung realis atau dekoratif, dan dikerjakan secara halus Tampilannya tampak dinamis dengan warna-warni cemerlang. Karakter dinamis melekat pada topeng dari Cirebon yang mengolah wajah tokoh pewayangan dan binatang Topeng dari Jember dan Madura memberikan kesan serupa Hanya saja, karya dari Madura banyak dihiasi ornamentasi lebih detail. Citra itu berbeda dengan topeng dari Kalimantan, Sulawesi, dan Batak Berbagai topeng dari kawasan ini berkesan seram dengan dominasi warna merah dan coklat, bahkan sebagian dibiarkan kusam tanpa warna Wajah topeng mewakili sosok-sosok imajinatif dan aneh dari alam gaib. Keragaman bentuk topeng itu menunjukkan, betapa masyarakat di Nusantara memiliki kekayaan ekspresi visual Dengan latar belakang budaya berbeda-beda, setiap kawasan punya cara sendiri untuk merekam perwatakan dan menuangkannya pada topeng Sebagian topeng itu menjadi sarana pentas tari atau sandiwara, sebagian lagi jadi bagian dari ritual persembahan. Di luar sensasi visual tadi, pameran Beyond Faces ini mengajak kita untuk memahami perwatakan di balik topeng Sebagian besar topeng itu adalah rekaman dari perangai manusia sendiri Ada topeng wajah bijak bestari, penuh angkara murka, bermuka banyak, atau lucu sehingga mengundang tawa. Setiap karakter dimunculkan lewat permainan anatomi wajah Karakter jahat hadir lewat mata besar melotot, hidung bulat g ede, dan taring runcing bak raksasa seperti topeng Kumba Karna dari Bali Sifat baik dicitrakan oleh bentuk bibir tersenyum dan warna cerah sebagaimana topeng-topeng dari Lombok Kelucuan muncul dari bibir terbuka atau lidah melet, seumpama topeng dari Cirebon. Semua ekspresi ini merefleksikan wajah kita sendiri Bukankah manusia dalam kehidupan nyata memang punya bermacam watak Jika dicermati, setiap topeng kemudian seperti kaca tempat becermin diri, sarana untuk mendalami watak manusia, sekaligus mengingatkan kita pada nilai kehidupan bersama. Selain wajah manusia, sebagian topeng merekam makhluk lain, katakanlah seperti binatang, makhluk gaib, atau hasil khayalan Ekspresi visual topeng jenis ini melampaui anatomi wajah manusia biasa, sangat bebas, bahkan ekstrem Ambil contoh topeng Dayak dari Kenyah, Kalimantan Topeng berwarna coklat kemerahan ini punya dua mata bulat besar, mulut memanjang, dan dua kuping melebar Sosok ini diyakini memendam kekuatan ruh leluhur yang bisa mengusir ruh ja hat. Topeng Mamasa dari Minahasa, Sulawesi, juga dianggap mewakili arwah nenek moyang Bentuknya menyerupai manusia, tetapi matanya bolong Pipi, jidat, dan dagunya dihiasi tato Biasanya, topeng ini disimpan di halaman rumah. Dari Kalimantan Barat, ada topeng Kalingkoet Talino Wajahnya sungguh seram dengan mata melotot, gigi besar, pipi menonjol, dan kuping meruncing Warna coklat dengan totol-totol putih menambahkan kengerian Topeng ini mewakili sosok hantu rimba. Untuk apa masyarakat membuat topeng makhluk lain Dalam catatan Agustinus Prayitno disebutkan, topeng semacam itu menjadi sarana masyarakat tradisional untuk mengaktualisasikan kepercayaan akan adanya kekuatan di luar jangkauan pikiran dan fisik manusia Lewat simbol-simbol tertentu dalam ritus religio-magis, topeng diyakini bisa jadi jembatan menuju kemanunggalan dengan Tuhan. Begitulah, di balik keragaman bentuk visualnya, topeng sejatinya adalah gambaran nyata usaha manusia untuk hidup dalam dua dunia Manusia ingin memahami diri s endiri sebagai jagat kecil, dan menerima semesta alam raya sebagai jagat besar yang melingkupinya Lewat topeng, manusia mencoba mengabadikan keberadaan dirinya. Posted 04 May 2011 11 39 AM PDT. Yogyakarta - Keris adalah salah satu warisan budaya leluhur bangsa Indonesia yang patut dilestarikan Dan berbicara keris tentu tak bisa dipisahkan dari keberadaan keraton atau kerajaan yang ada di Tanah Air Keris di lingkungan keraton dianggap sebagai benda pusaka yang sakral sehingga hanya boleh digunakan pada saat tertentu. Salah satu keluarga Keraton Yogyakarta yang hingga kini masih mengkoleksi keris warisan keraton adalah Kanjeng Raden Tumenggung Hastono Nagoro atau lebih akrab disapa Romo Pono Menurut Romo Pono di Yogyakarta, baru-baru ini, keris-keris miliknya diperoleh langsung dari leluhurnya yaitu, Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono VII. Salah satu yang hingga kini masih terawat dengan baik adalah keris pusaka Kanjeng Kyai Morokoto Selain itu ada pula keris lurus Pamor Beras Wutah dari zaman Pajaja ran dan koleksi keris lainnya. Bagi kerabat keraton memiliki keris adalah keharusan Setidaknya, keris adalah kelengkapan pakaian saat menghadap sang raja Namun saat ini benda pusaka dari keraton yang diwariskan secara turun-temurun itu sebagian sudah berpindah tangan ke luar lingkungan keraton Ini terjadi karena biasanya si penerima warisan tak tertarik pada benda pusaka tersebut dengan berbagai alasan Hingga kini tercatat ada puluhan keris keraton yang berada di luar keraton dari dikoleksi secara pribadi. Di Indonesia, khususnya di Pulau Jawa, memang banyak komunitas pecinta keris Salah satunya adalah Paguyuban Satriyatama di Magelang, Jawa Tengah Dalam paguyuban ini, para pecinta keris bisa bertukar informasi mengenai dunia yang digeluti mereka Menurut Ketua Paguyuban Satriayatama, Annas Sofya, anggota perkumpulannya kini mencapai ratusan dari berbagai daerah Keris para anggota Paguyuban Satriayatama berasal dari peninggalan orangtua maupun nenek moyang mereka Sebagian ada juga yang di beli dari sesama pecinta keris. Para pecinta keris di Indonesia juga patut lega dan berbangga hati Sebab, keris kini sudah diakui dunia sebagai warisan atau pusaka budaya dunia oleh Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa melalui United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation UNESCO Keris diakui sebagai sebuah karya yang tidak saja indah wujudnya tapi juga memiliki makna filosofis tinggi tentang kehidupan manusia. Salah satu sentra perajin keris di Indonesia adalah Desa Banyusurup, Imogiri, Bantul, Yogyakarta, termasuk Djiwo Dihardjo atau Mbaj Djiwo sebagai perajin keris yang terkenal Mbah Djiwo telah menggeluti pembuatan keris selama puluhan tahun Dibantu sejumlah karyawan yang juga kerabatnya, Mbah djiwa tidak membuat keris Tapi juga aksesoris keris seperti mendak atau cincin keris, pendok atau sarung keris, warangka atau ukiran, dan deder atau gagang keris. Masing-masing karyawan Mbah Djiwa memiliki tugas dan keahlian tersendiri Mbah Djiwa juga tak hanya membuat keris dari Jawa, t api juga dari berbagai daerah Di rumah joglo kediaman Mbah Djiwa juga tersimpan beberapa keris peninggalan leluhurnya Terpampang juga keris berukuran raksasa yang disebut keris Dapur-Bimo-Kurdo. Hasil karya Mbah Djiwo telah dipasarkan hingga ke luar negeri Harga kerisnya pun mencapau jutaan rupiah per unit, tergantung tingkat kesulitan dan bahan yang digunakan ZAQ. Posted 04 May 2011 11 33 AM PDT. Ornamen sebagai suatu aspek seni rupa telah mengalami perkembangan yang cukup maju dalam budaya tradisional orang Banjar Ornamen sebagai ragam hias banyak ditemukan di rumah-rumah adat Banjar dan karya seni ini ternyata tak hanya sebagai hiasan tetapi juga sarat filosofi. Ornamen dalam arsitektur tradisional Banjar dikenal dengan istilah Tatah yang berbentuk Tatah surut ukiran berupa relief , Tatah Babuku ukiran dalam bentuk tiga dimensi dan Tatah Baluang ukiran berlubang. Dalam buku Arsitektur Tradisional Banjar Kalimantan Selatan, Drs H Syamsiar Seman, mengatakan, dalam sebuah rumah adat Banjar terutama tipe bubungan tinggi, gajah baliku dan palimbangan terdapat dua belas bagian bangunan yang diberi ornamen khas. Pertama, pucuk bubungan berbentuk lancip yang disebut layang-layang Layang-layang dalam jumlah yang ganjil lima dengan ukiran motif tumbuhan paku alai, bogam, tombak atau keris. Pada rumah tipe palimasan ornamen berbentuk sungkul dengan motif anak catur, piramida dan bulan bintang Ukiran jamang sebagai mahkota bubungan terdapat pada rumah adat tipe palimbangan, balai laki, balai bini dan cacak burung Jamang dalam bentuk simetris ini biasanya bermotif anak catur dengan kiri kanan bermotif paku alai, halilipan atau babalungan ayam. Kedua, tawing layar atau tampuk bubungan penutup kuda-kuda Terutama terdapat pada rumah adat Banjar tipe palimbangan, balai laki dan cacak burung anjung surung yang memiliki bubungan atap pelana dengan puncak depan yang tajam Karena ruangannya terbatas, hiasannya pun tak banyak Umumnya berupa bundaran yang diapit segitiga dalam komposisi dedaun an Ornamen di sini selalu dalam komposisi simetris. Ketiga, pilis atau papilis listplank Terdapat pada tumbukan kasau yang sekaligus menjadi penutup ujung kasau bubungan tersebut Juga pada banturan di bawah cucuran atap serta pada batis tawing kaki dinding bagian luar Banyak motif digunakan antara lain rincung gagatas, pucuk rabung, tali bapintal, dadaunan, dalam berbagai kreasi, kumbang bagantung distiril , paku alai, kulat karikit, gagalangan, i-itikan, sarang wanyi, kambang cangkih, teratai, gigi haruan dan lainnya. Keempat, tangga Pada puncak tangga terdapat ornament buah nenas Adapula motif kembang melati yang belum mekar, tongkol daun pakis, belimbing, manggis, payung atau bulan sabit Pada panapih tangga biasanya terdapat motif tali bapintal, dadaunan, buang mingkudu dan sulur-suluran Pada pagar tangga digunakan ukiran tali bapintal atau garis geometris, pada kisi-kisi pagar tangga digunakan motif bunga melati, galang bakait, anak catur, motif huruf S dan berbagai motif campuran. Ke lima, palatar teras Bagian depan rumah yang mendapat sentuhan ukiran pada jurai samping kiri dan kanan atas, batis tawing dan kandang rasi Ornamen pada jurai bisasnya mengambil motif hiris gagatas, pucuk rabung, daun paku atau sarang wanyi Pada batis tawing bermotif dadaunan, sulur - suluran atau buah mingkudu. Keenam, lawang pintu Bagian-bagian lawang yang diberi ornamen adalah dahi lawang bagian atas pintu, semacam ventilasi , berukiran tali bapintal dalam bentuk lingkaran bulat telur Komposisi bagiannya dilengkapi dengan motif suluruluran dan bunga-bungaan dengan kaligrafi Arab antara lain bertulis Laa ilaaha illallah, Muhammadarrasulullah, Allah dan Muhammad. Kemudian jurai lawang ornamen mirip tirai terbuka , berbentuk setengah lingkaran atau bulan sabit dengan kombinasi tali bapintal, sulur-suluran, bunga-bunga dan kaligrafi Arab Tulisan dengan bentuk berganda atau berpantulan dengan komposisi dapat dibaca dari arah kiri ke kanan dan arah kanan ke kiri. Selanjutnya, daun lawang daun pintu , selalu menempatkan motif tali bapintal, baik pada pinggiran kusen pintu, maupun hiasan bagian dalam, tali bapintal pada bagian dalam dalam bentuk bulat telur atau hiris gagatas Keempat sudut daun lawang banyak ornament bermotif pancar matahari dengan kombinasi dedaunan, di antaranya motif daun jaruju. Ketujuh, lalungkang jendela Umumnya menempatkan ornamen sederhana pada dahi atau pula daun lalungkang berupa tatah bakurawang dengan motif bulan penuh, bulan sahiris, bulan bintang, bintang sudut lima, daun jalukap atau daun jaruju. Kedelapan, watun Sebagai sarana pinggir lantai terbuka yang diberi ornamen pada panapih yaitu dinding watun tersebut Ornamen biasanya untuk panapih watun sambutan, watun jajakan dan watun langkahan yang ada pada ruangan panampik kacil, panampik tangah dan panampik basar Terdapat ukiran dengan motif tali bapintal, sulur-suluran, dadaunan, kambang taratai, kacapiring, kananga, kambang matahari, buah-buahan dan lainnya. Kesembilan, tataban Terletak di sepanj ang kaki dinding bagian dalam ruang panampik basar Ukiran di situ adalah pada panapih tataban tersebut Umumnya sepanjang tataban tersebut mempergunakan ornamen dengan motif tali bapintal pada posisi pinggir Motif lain pada dedaunan dan sulur-suluran dalam ujud kecil sepanjang jalur tataban tersebut. Kesepuluh, tawing halat dinding pembatas Ornamen di dua daun pintu kembar ini harus seimbang dengan ragam hias Biasanya motif tali bapintal tak ketinggal, buah dan dedaunan dengan kombinasi kaligrafi Arab. Kesebelas, sampukan balok pertemuan balok Rumah adat Banjar tidak mengenal plafon, sehingga tampak adanya pertemuan dua balok pada bagian atas Ukiran bermotif dedaunan dan garis-garis geometris. Keduabelas, gantungan lampu Balok rentang yang ada di atas pada posisi tengah dipasang pangkal tali untuk gantungan lampu Sekeliling pangkal gantungan diberi ukiran bermotif dedaunan dan bunga dalam komposisi lingkaran berbentuk relief dea. Posted 04 May 2011 11 18 AM PDT. By Muhammad Haji Salleh. The p antun of the Malay World, in its various names and forms, has captured the imagination and scholarship of many people form within and without the area It is found to be indigenous and unique and is often considered as a kind of capsule of Malay life, thought and aesthetics More than in any other form herein is to be found the genius of the Malay, his wisdom and wonderful shades of meanings, and modes of expression For many, including the Malays themselves, here is to be found the magic of literature Winstedt 1961 in his introduction of a collection of pantuns observes that no one can estimate the mental scope of the Malay without an understanding of the pantun This is the treasure house of thoughts, poetic and the life of the Malays. The pantun is essentially an oral form it was born from an oral past and continued this charmed life essentially as an oral form However, over time, and with the popularity of the printing presses since the end of the 19th century, collections have been pub lished in many dialects of the language, including the Malay of the Peninsula, Betawi, Riau, Melaka and Jakarta Peranakan, Minangkabau, Ambonese and Achehnese In the meantime there are almost a hundred manuscripts of the pantun collected in the libraries of Jakarta, Leiden, Paris, London, Berlin, mostly of the pantuns from the end of the last century, and composed of various collections by scholars from England, Holland and Germany. A recent study Muhammad Haji Salleh and Bazrul Bahaman, 1999 was able to collect pantuns from 39 dialects of Malay and 25 non-Malay languages These Malay dialects begin with Acheh in northern tip of Sumatra, through Langkat Deli Serdang, Jambi, Minangkabau, Kerinci, Insular Riau Bengkalis, Penyengat , Mainland Riau Rokan, Indragiri Hulu, Kampar, Proto-Malays, South Sumatra, Ogan Komering, Lahad, Basemah, Musi, Prabumulih, Muara Enim, Lampung, Serawai In the Island of Borneo the task of collecting was divided into two areas West Borneo Sintang, Ketapang, Samb as, Hulu Kapuas South Borneo Kutai, Banjar, Pasir Sulawesi Celebes too is similarly divided into two parts, namely, Manado and Gorontalo, while from the archipelago of Maluku the Moluccas pantuns were collected from Ambon and Ternate The Malay dialects of the island of Java are spoken by Jakartans and the Peranakan Chinese In Malaysia itself collection was done in the North Kedah, Perlis, Pulau Pinang , East Kelantan, Terengganu , West Johor, Pahang, Melaka, Selangor, Perak , Negeri Sembilan, Sabah and Sarawak Peranakan Chinese, Indians of Melaka and the Aslian Proto-Malays , among others the Semak Brik, have a special contribution to the treasury of the pantun In Brunei poems in Brunei Malay were similarly gathered, though from collections and various products of research and radio tv programmes. In the non-Malay speaking areas of Sumatra the pantun is to be found among the Karo, Toba, Mandailing, Simalungun, Achehnese, Gayo and Alas In Java itself pantuns are composed in Javanese and Sundanese languages In Bali there is an old pantun form among the Bali Agha, while in the West Nusa Tenggara there is a version in Sasak In Central Celebes the following groups use the pantun Saluan, Kaili, Pamona, and Tanemperar In Northern Celebes we find it among the Gorontalo, Sangihe-Talaud and the Minahasa peoples In East Malaysia the pantun is found among Iban, Bidayuh, Melanau, Kedayan and Bajau Pantun is popular among the Pattani Malays of in southern Thailand, who use a dialect of Malay quite akin to the Kelantanese. A Collection of Definitions. The term pantun is an old one in Malaysia and Indonesia - from written records at least 400 years But we cannot go wrong if we guess that it is much older than that Those found in the texts of the Hikayat Raja-raja Pasir and Sejarah Melayu Sulalat al - Salatin betray an already mature form and sophisticated tradition The term itself grew and developed through the many centuries. As shall be shown later the initial culture of the form is t he Malay, and its original language likewise Malay If we trace the development of the term s recorded meanings we will notice that in the earliest Malay-English Dictionary Bowrey 1701 , a basic and quite rough work, a pantoon, is defined as a meeter, rhime, verses, a Poem From this basic definition a pantun is both a form and also a poem and rhyme About a century later, in 1812, Marsden notes it down as, an epigrammatic stanza or a poetic sentence, consisting of four short lines rhyming alternately, in which the thought is expressed by comparison or allusion A comparison, allusion simile, proverb. There is yet another new meaning to the two already noted, which likewise sees it as a camparison or a proverb The 1907 Malay-English Dictionary Wilkinson, and the 1970 Kamus Bahasa Melayu by Winstedt stress the same two meanings as outlined by Marsden. Wilkinson 1907 though is more thorough in his definition a simile, a proverbial saying by extension, a quatrain, the first line of which rhymes with the third and the second with the fourth In Sumatra sa-pantun is used where saperti would be used in the Peninsula, and the word sa-pantun occurs in this sense in Shair Jubili Melaka In some romances e, g, the Ht Hg Tuw, and Ht Hamz the word pantun is used with the meaning of proverbial saying umpamaan in other romances it is confined in use to the well-known quatrains. The connection would appear to be in the use of proverbial sayings meaningless in themselves, but used as intelligible sayings rhyming with them e g sudah gaharu cendana pula being used for sudah tahu bertanya pula The transition from proverbs of this kind based on sound to proverbial rhymes would be simple. For Wilkinson, the first meaning of proverbs, with allusion, to the second of a poetic form is an easy transition In 1934 Za ba more consciously defines the form as. The pantun is the oldest mode of verse and Malay in its origin Even before the Malays knew how to write they were already well-versed in the pantuns and were used to. answer each other in the form Even now the pantun is an original mode of poetic writing used by village Malays to describe their sad thoughts and the shades of their beautiful emotions, as in the graceful teasing and love making. Klinkert 1934 , likewise defines panton with both the meanings, a special form among the Malay peoples and comparison or allusion. Later definitions too stay much along these two main meanings though some do expand on the characteristics, the rhyme and parts of the pantun, especially in Abdul Rozak Zaidin, Anita Haniah, 1991, Kamus Istilah Sastra The total number of lines are from four onwards, with possibilities of expansion There are various types of pantuns - the adat, religious, children s, humorous, travellers , introductory and riddles This also would often lead to berbalas pantun, sessions where quatrains are replied with other quatrains. Among the most famous and perfect of pantuns is the following poem where a network of sounds parallel s, assonance, alliteration, repetition of sounds and words produce a symphony of music and connotations. Air yang dalam bertambah dalam. Hujan di hulu belumlah teduh. Hati yang dendam bertambah dendam. Dendam dahulu belumlah sembuh. In the Alas and the Banjarese dialects of Malay the same word pantun is used while in the Achehnese language, the word panton refers to the same form of poem In Kerinci it is panton and in Manado Malay it is pantung. In the Toba Batak language it is called ende-ende or umpasa, the latter recalls the Malay term umpama, meaning comparison or allusion, and therefore similar with it It is mostly used in ritual and social meetings and ceremonies However, in the Simalungun Batak language pantun means the same verse form though with a nuance of respect, which gives it an additional meaning In Iban it can denote a song or an old saying, both of course closely related to the old meanings of the there Malay word. In the great and yet unfinished search for the origins of the form Brandstetter has looked for the term in various Nusantara languages, including Pampanga, and concluded that the syllable tun means arranged, straight etc However, this does not lead to a conclusive notion that the basic meaning does really refer to the still to be conceived form According to Harun Mat Piah 1989 106 however, there is yet another view that the word originates from Minangkabau panuntun However, no proof is given for this line of thought One thing seems certain though - in all this discussion the word pantun is quite common for most of the Malay dialects and related languages of the Archipelago. Van Ophuijsen, a collector of Sumatran pantuns, on the other hand, is of the opinion that the leaf language of the Bataks is the source of the pantun He says that the Malays have no leaf language This, though, is not totally true because there is a great code in Malay poetry in which words referring to leaves and trees in the first two preparatory lines would echo the meaning proper in following two lines This code is perhaps even deeper than just a language of flowers and trees, for philosophically Malays see nature as a mirror of man and his fate They read nature to understand their own situation Alam terbentang menjadi guru, nature is spread out to be a teacher, says a famous proverb Thus the pantuns posit the natural elements in the introductory lines and in the second part propound the meaning proper, often one already referred to indirectly by the first part or foreshadower Not only names of leaves echo meaning but fishes and animals too lend themselves to doing the job. In the following early two-line pantun names of common salt-water fishes siakap, senohong, gelama, ikan duri, are arranged to echo human weaknesses if once you tell lies, then you will start to steal. Siakap senohong gelama ikan duri. Bercakap bohong lama-lama mencuri. The relationship between nature and the human world through phoentic and semantic allusion has perhaps at an early age cr eated pantun or proverb couplets, children s songs, like the one above. The couplet developed into a quatrain to allow a greater and more satisfying play of sounds, meaning and music, which finally became the famous and popular four-line pantun Often used and often by very talented poets, the form underwent various experiments and emerged later as the six-, eight-, ten-, twelve-, fourteen-, sixteen-, eighteen-, twenty - and twenty-two line pantun, which still retain the two parts of foreshadower and meaning. Meanwhile there developed a linked form This is a series of linked quatrains, also a result of experimentation Another line of experimentation produced the pantun alif ba ta, the alphabet pantun , where the first word of each verse begins with a letter, in the proper sequence, pantun rejang, where Malay horoscope symbolised by the different animals is cast into the pantun form Finally, we find the rare Si Bungsu Babilang Malam in which a story is told night after night in verse, displ aying its own special sophistication. The form, variety and language of the pantuns are proofs of their age The parallel lines, the children s jingles and the riddles no doubt are the earliest forms As it is delightful, funny but intelligent and wise the pantun came to be adopted and used in the different sectors of public and private life, from the lullabies to romantic emotions, from wise communal proverbs to observation of life It is interesting to note that this form which hailed from primitive beginnings has not only been able to survive the centuries but is able to prosper in a more technological age, which has in fact killed other forms like the syair, seloka and the mantera. When Srivijaya, on the southwestern coast of Sumatra became a great maritime power in the 8th century and influenced many states to the east, north and southwest of the Malay Archipelago, the language that was already quite sophisticated then continued to grow along as a medium of international communication and administration Hundred of tribes ethnic groups of Indonesia and Malaysia, which did not possessed a common language of communication were in need of one intelligible to all Malay played this role to some degree and therefore was quickly seized upon to do the job It was widely accepted -- not only did it become a language of interregional communication but there developed special Malay dialects in Betawi, Manado, Makasar, Ambon and Kupang to serve their specific regions. The pantun is the most beautiful flower in the garden of the Malay language and literature A simple form, it is yet capable of romance, humour, and could even carry customary laws which are the unwritten rules of conduct and guidelines for the communities Many are pithy and wise, parcelled in chosen words, and therefore lend themselves to being easily memorable and often taken back on ships by sailors and traders, sung in the markets and to be spread to the hinterland of the ports As they struck the imagination of ma ny who heard them they attracted yet still many more new poets and imitators in the language or others in the different islands and regions such as Bali, Lombok, Nias, North Sumatra, Aceh, Sarawak Iban, Melanau , Minihasa, Sangihe-Talaud and so forth. The very complex network of maritime voyages and trading, spread by the Buginese, Malays, Jawanese, Minangkabau, and the Bajau, all found in the different parts of the Archipelago, also helped to transport the pantun throughout the islands Most probably the Malay pantun was brought from one community to another island or part of it, that was perhaps a thousand kilometres away The case of the Bajau who are to be found in Southern Philippines, the east coast of Sabah, Malaysia and the eastern and western ends of the Flores Island as a carrier of the form is indeed a notable one While they fished and traded they took the pantun from their ports of call and brought it back to their communities, which were many as they often travelled from one to another There is yet another example of its spread Sintang, an old sultanate in the middle of the island of Borneo saw the coming of two Muslim missionaries, one from Banjar, and the other from Johor, in 1600 They taught religion and used Malay as the language of instruction Besides religion they were also asked of the general cultural aspects of their home countries Among the most important aspects of their of literary culture that they spoke of was the pantun When the Sintang Sultanate developed and the language developed, the pantun too began to become popular, and composed in many Dayak languages, besides the Sintang Malay This was the special Sintang method of spreading the form. The next example is the Cocos Islands case The islands to the south of Indonesia were taken over by Clooney-Ross in the late 1880 s When there were not enough workers to work the coconut plantation the owner brought in Indonesian and Malaysians as indentured labourers from various parts of the Archipela go They in turn brought with them their cultural baggage, and among it was the pantun, which not only later became the main form of entertainment but also a developed literary form Over time it grew with the community and no doubt also marked the history of the language itself Thus the Cocos pantun has special words that are not known in other parts of the Malay-speaking world. The Sri Lanka case is a little differerent from that of the Cocos, but contains a typical pattern of Malay migaration When the British were exiling rebels from their colonies some Malays were expatriated to the island of Sri Lanka With them they carried their language, religion and literary treasury, including those in the written form The pantun was easily transported, and became an element of their identity in the new and foreign land Yet the pantun always enriched itself with local input, and the Sri Lankan Malay was no different It developed within Sri Lankan surroundings, and flavours itself with local words or variations only to be found on the island. In the Malay-language area of Sumatra, Peninsular Malaysia and the coastal areas of Borneo the development of the form was especially rich, partly also because it was easy to carry to all the areas by sea, rivers or land Thus we see the pantun among the Komering and the Kerinci, and the Bangkahulu and Lampung peoples From Palembang there were many sailors sailed the straits to Kedah, Perak and Pahang This allowed the attractive pantuns of Palembang to be enjoyed in Pahang, Kedah and Perak It seemed that there was an internal network among the Malay communities, while there was another, a bigger one, though looser, among the non-Malay groups, which we might call it an external network, but also overlapping with the Malay network. When Melaka itself began to grow as an entrepot port during the 15th century the pantun was already a mature form around the Straits of Melaka, and possibly also in the Betawi, Ambon, Manado and the Makasar areas The process of the spread was now more intense, for it was carried to even more distant islands and countries like Nias and Cambodia As many would like to imitate the American pop songs in our times so would the songs of the Melaka imitated by the inhabitants of its colonies and hinterland When Melaka fell to the Portuguese in 1511 the Malay language and the pantun could develop at its own rhythm, initially created by these two sultanates After Melaka, Johor and Aceh were the centres, and the pantun spread further The lingua franca, so-called the bahasa Jawi, was already a sophisticated language, known throughout Southeast Asia and also beyond - to Persia and Arabia, as traders sailed back and forth along this maritime silk route. In the twentieth century the pantuns were more spread more formally though When the Balai Pustaka was established in 1920 in Batavia and the Pejabat Karang Mengarang in Tanjung Malim in 1930 s part of their main responsibility was to write school textbooks and co llect local literary works for publication The pantun was included in the syllabus of the schools and collections, letting it spread far and wide, throughout the Archipelago and the different generations. The Ecology of the Pantun. Nature is the closest neigbour to the Nusantara man As he lived with it he saw and absorbed their ways and styles For his survival or curiosity he observed the trees, the animals, the hills and mountains, the valleys, rivers and seas, the night and the day, the seasons and so on In his village he took note of the different cultural artifacts like the house and its parts, the boats, weapons, tools of agriculture, clothing and so forth So when he composed his seloka, syair and pantun he redrew them in as part of his world In the pantun these elements of the environment may come in as the pembayang, the preparatory images, or even directly, into the meaning proper Thus nature is not only the setting, but also the metaphor for human life. The images most present in the poems are undoubtedly the flora and fauna Each day the peasant went to his field to plant and care for the padi, to the orchards or vegetable gardens, or if he lived close to the sea or river he caught fish, and if he was close to the forest he went hunting All these activities put him on an intimate contact with these parts of nature He did not only observe nature but learned to understand its ways by interpreting signs, sounds and also behaviour The sounds of the forest were not happy ones, and they were often reproduced, to reflect the difficult predicament that he must live through. Padi is the staple food of most of the Nusantara peoples A great part of the peasant s life was spent in cultivating, caring and processing it So it is no surprise that it reappeared as correlatives of his feelings Better still, the word padi rhymes with two of the most important Malay concepts - budi and hati, kindness and heart The following pantun allows a great play of the padi connotation and a network of echoes The last two lines impatiently demands, If you love me, say you do, Let me not wait endlessly for your decision. Kalau padi katakan padi. Tidak kami tertampi-tampi. Kalau jadi katakan jadi. Tidak kami ternanti-nanti. And what reck I of loving looks. Except as fuel for love s play. An Ever Developing Form. In its earliest meaning the term pantun perhaps did not refer to the form that is divided into two parts of foreshadower and meaning, as we know it today However, by the 17th century the word came to stand for the form In many regions of the Nusantara, interestingly, the term essentially meant poetry of the kind to be found among the Malays The exception was among the Sundanese, who use the term for a long narrative that was sung to an accompaniment of musical instruments. The Malay language is a heavily vocal lone In this language wherein music is buried in the repetition of consonants and vocals, words lend themselves to endless play - that subsequently created parallel li nes and structure Its first form perhaps may be seen in what the Malays call kata-kata berganda, double words that almost repeat each other but for a little change in the vowels normally They are used to show quantity, as in bukit bukau many hills , gunung ganang many mountains , kayu kayan many types of woods In the meantime society was in need of a form of speech that was effective, on the one hand, but on the other also pleasant to the ears and full of possibilities of language and musical play. The Nusantara peoples were especially sensitive to their environment they read nature as signs, or metaphor for the human condition they saw the world spread out before them as a teacher, an example, and instructor - alam terkembang jadi guru They knew the trees, the flowers, the fish, the valleys and mountains intimately They interpreted them and their ways so that they might learn the lessons of living. Living in a feudal society that was forever full of uncertainty has ironically helped the Malays to create means and expressions that were less direct, and more tangential, which was finally to become the great art of metaphors and allusion These were some of the factors that contributed to the birth of parallel poetry that has since continued to develop and grow. While they were at their work in the fields, forest or at sea poems were spontaneously composed As they were born to games of alliteration and assonance they could not help but overhear shadows of meaning in the words that are used for the trees, flowers, animals and parts of the sky and earth In the word selasih basil they heard kasih, love, in the name of the island Daik they heard the word baik, good, and so on The two lines about nature in the introductory part or pembayang was completed with next two lines maksud or meaning proper, dealing with their experience and predicament. There is much evidence of the existence of a type of poetry based on sound and word play The Nusantara literary heritage has a rich st ore of riddles and description in oral stories or nonsense children s jingles which revel in the feast of sounds and their psychological connotations Early poetry was mostly images that did not give importance to the meaning proper The national pastime of saying things indirectly too has a big hand in the development of the pantun Images and metaphors are used as emissaries of the desired meaning. In their life the Nusantara peoples have been conscientious of nature, partly for the sake of their very own survival They have watched the seasons, the seas, the jungle, and the river, so that they may live a more harmonious life In all that they did nature was always present consciously or sub-consciously Thus when they wrote their poems the images of nature of course flowed in and took its rightful part In the view of the pantun, the rightful part is half of the lines, and must precede those that deal with human beings for nature preceedes and frames human life. The earliest of the pantun fo rms would probably be two-line verses, that have similarities with concise proverbs They contained a line that prepared, or to translate from the Malay term, pembayang, foreshadowed, the music and significance of the lines composing the maksud, meaning proper For example this very famous teasing love poem The first line says. Sudah gaharu cendana pula. Sudah tahu bertanya pula. After agila, then the sandlawood. Though you already knew, ask you would. Again there are variations when not the whole line is repeated, only some allusion is made to the preceeding lines. There is yet another form, the berbalas pantun, where on an occasion like the dondang sayang or the dikir barat, a man or a woman will sell his pantun to his partner The partner must answer him or her within the rhythm of the song. Variety and popularity are evidence of age The pantun has achieved such popularity to such a point that most anybody knows and can compose it The more adventurous poets find new forms and variation to add to its repertoire An interesting example is the pantun alif ba ta In this form each first word of the verse is begun consecutively with letters of the alphabet In the following excerpt the old Malay alphabet is used, and therefore dubbed pantun alif ba ta Here are three verses from a manuscript of the Royal Asiatic Society, Maxwell 48.Alif berdiri seperti tiang. Tempat raja membuat rumah. Tuan dipandang seperi wayang. Wujud anggota habislah lemah. Kok tak ameh sabuangkan nyawo. It is a very dynamic form indeed Tested over the centuries, experimented with, accepted and opened again for new forms and expression, the pantun is perhaps the only traditional form that is still alive and still growing It is found in modern poetry, in the mass media etc. The pantun has not only been absorbed into the life of the society as a literary form but also play a very important social role These role interestinglly not only cross all social borders but also age demarcations Yet essentially it is found to be used as a tool of entertainment, among children in their songs and games, and among adults as a lightener of the burden of work, a social tool of advice, and a repository of rules and regulation and governance, and finally, and not least important, the wisdom of the race. The pantun, as we have tried to show, began with children s word play and jingles These poems are sung to accompany certain games, sung by adults while playing with them while caring for them, or spoken by the children themselves For example among the Serawai of Sumatra Mardan Waib, Sofyan, Zufiyardi 1994 1995 25-32 there is a game that is called cuit-cuitan touching , where a baby is let down to touch ground and the following lines are said. Ecuit dengan pandai. Agak dengan kuungkit-ungkit. It is not only a lullaby, but one that encourges the child to quickly master the alphabet and read the kitabs - the religious books. The pantun is fortunate that it is taught in schools unlike the syair or the seloka Being in the syst em helps to continue the tradition. Another form of entertainment is the work pantun, sung while at work Our forefathers really knew how to live and enjoy themselves. The Archipelago society was essentially a peasant community, except for fishermen and traders who formed a small protion of this farming community They planted rice, tubers and vegetables, cut trees and searched for forest products, caught fish in the rivers and sea, and sometimes herd animals Most of it was backbracking and monotonous work that had been lightened by sharing of the burden and by singing Sometimes the members of the community gathered together The occasions might be at rice or sugar-cane harvesting times Food was often contributed by the host and it might turn into a feast, as in many areas planting, reaping, winnowing of padi were communally. However, communal work was also a place where boys might be allowed to meet girls and given a chance to exchange words, often enough through the pantun, in song or in s poken replies On days like these social constraints were relaxed to allow possible romance and marriage Poems like these are to be found in Riau while villagers sow hill padi. Balibi tobang saatui. Mati dikubik sapu tangan. Umpan la abi kaye laputui. Tingge juaghan di tapak tangan. Elok elok manyingkok belek. Belek baisi kue loyang. Elok-elok mambukak sughek. Sughek baisi kasih sayang. When work is done alone, the pantun is a friend in need It became a companion through monotonous and lonely periods While cutting wood or tapping rubber the workers would sing to themselves, letting the pantun carry their emotions. Pantun in Performances. It is during harvest, circumcision and marriage that we find the different traditional performances staged in the Nusantara villages They may take the form of wayang kulit shadow play , the makyong and dike dances, and the verse-capping songs as in the dondang sayang, dikir barat and the berbalas pantun There are indeed many occasions when the pantun is employed - to introduce a story or character, to describe a situation or the beauty of a girl, to become instrument of her romance and love play, etc In the dondang sayang a young woman and a man sing and banter through the medium of poetry while teasing and making verbal love A musical instrument or an ensemble often accompanies the delivery of the pantuns Below are two verses that may be used by the dondang sayang singers of Melaka or the mukun singers of Sarawak, the first by a man and the second by a woman The additional two lines, lines three and five are repetitions or fillers, and the basic form is still the four-line pantun The woman asks, How big is our world and the man answers that it is easy to measure It is as big as the eye can see. Dondang Sayang Takdir. Burung merebuk burung tekukur. Masuk ke sangkar terus berlaga. Burung merebuk burung tekukur. Kalau tuan pandai mengukur. Berapalah besar dunia kita. Padi di sawah ditumbuk jemur. Bawa sekarung dari ladang. Padi di sawah ditumbuk jemur. Dun ia kita senang diukur. Hinggalah sayup memandang mata memandang. Traditional Malay songs or Lagu Melayu Asli are often wellknown for their pantuns, or have been instrumental in popularising certain poems, as has been shown above While in dondang sayang the poems are spontaneously created those in the traditional songs are often popular ones, though it must be acknowledged that some were composed especially for the songs, like the Seri Sarawak and the Seri Mersing Even modern songs do not totally avoid the pantun, because the form is popular and very much appreciated by the audience In a nutshell the singer in the song below laments his situation He does not want to be separated from his beloved, but who knows the wishes of Allah However, he may not cry because he is no longer a child, and he may not fly to her him, because he is no bird But for the meantime he suffers, for his love is unrequited. The following are the lyrics of the Seri Siantan. Tiup api embun berderai. Patahlah galah halua n perahu. Here the pantun takes over the function of religious rituals On the other hand, among the Toba Batak, however, the closing of a marriage ceremony is concluded with pantuns They are spoken by hula-hula or nobles. Pantun as Mantera. The mantera, curing incantation, perhaps came into being earlier than the pantun, for it was most probably one of the earliest of literary forms, and also as a mode of relating man to the supernatural powers that control over human beings and their health The poetic pantun words were of supplication and of request that they be helped in their physical needs. In another mantera the hunter is gathering his spiritual power in an attempt to neutralise spirits that dwell in the bodies of animals or trees In the following the hunter declares that he is lifting the evil spirit of the deer so that he may easily overcome the animal. Sirih lontar pinang lontar. Terletak di atas penjuru. Hantu buta jembalang buta. Aku mengangkat jembalang rusa. Some mantera verses are in fact full-fledged pantuns, but others are composite, with other necessary non-poetic elements included When pantuns are used on such occasions they exhibit little difference from other pantuns The following mantera for snaring the mousedeer was collected by Skeat in the last decades of last century, in Selangor. Sirih unta pinang unta. Kerakap memanjat puar. Pesan pada jembalang rimba. Kutu hutan suruh keluar. Suruh keluar anak beranak. Suruh keluar bercucu. The first quatrain is a full-fledged pantun, while the next two lines are added on to enhance the mantera, and spoken in a voice of a time-tested hunter Besides overpowering animals and spirits the mantera also helps to drive away the source cause of illnesses - stomach aches, in the case below. Lotong kekah ijuk tali. Aku menawar kembung segah. Malam senak mudik ke limbung. Singgah mari rumah mak encik. Menawar senak dengan kembung. Lantas turun ke kaki. Aku menawar bisa perut. Hasan Junus and Edi Ruslan 1993.The fantastic or surrealistic is more discernible in these mantera-charged lines, though the pantun itself often elects to include these elements as a show of metaphorical talent and prowess, not least to its adversaries Here they are used to provide a link to the supernatural However, it must be noted that that there is a great sense of respect and propriety in all the lines, as a kind of necessary decorum. Pantun in Narratives. The pantun is exceptionally important in the narratives and art of narration It seems to be very old and go back to oral tales like the Hikayat Malim Deman, Hikayat Malim Dewa and Anggun Cik Tunggal On the other hand it is also found in oral stories newly collected, but have roots in the distant past, like those collected by Mustafa Mohd Isa, 1987 In Riau too this verse form is generally scattered throughout the many stories of the Nyanyi Panjang long narrative songs of the Aslian groups of Riau Tenas Effendi 1997 , Awang Belanga in Perlis Mustafa Mohd Isa 1983 kaba in Minangkabau Suryadi 1994 and kokoba in Kampar Derks 1993 , and finally even in the modern kaba, that makes use of contemproary situations and settings In the story of the Lubuk Sikaping People Suryadi 1993 , for example, we find this narrative poem. Dari Alai mudiak ka Ampang. Ka pulang ari la gak sanjo. Ambo bapangkek kato urang. Dek ambo ado nan taraso. In the oral stories the pantuns are to be found at strategic points in the tale itself, i e at the beginning, change of episodes, end of story, dialogue between characters and while the narrator is describing a character or an event As an example we see these opening lines of the Nyanyi Panjang in the story of Bujang Tandomang The narrator greets his audience and announces that he would open with the verses of the pantun, and implores that if he does err he should be corrected Finally, in the last verse he names the title of the story to be told that evening. Buah lakom di dalam somak. Padi seumpun dit impo bonto. Citonyo Datuk Domang Serial. Tenas Efendi 1997.The strategic use of the poem in the stories is also seen in Aceh, where it is included also in the opening lines of a hikayat or poetic narrative, as a khuteubah sermon , or to announce the change of episode, as in the following excerpt of Hikayat Pocut Muhammad The narrator informs that he has come to the end of the episode and now wants to shift to the story episode of the Banta Muda. Aneuk siwaih jipho u blang Anak rajawali ke sawah terbang. Daruet canggan susah raya Belalang jangkung susah hatinya. Bah lon peuduek si at ohnam Kisah saya ini cukuplah sekian. Lon kurangan Banta Muda Saya alihkan cerita Banta Muda. Drewes in Imran, 1979 70.In order to relate to the audience the narrator often changes gear in the middle of the narration and bursts into pantuns, which also often introduce more humour, emotions and teasing, in an act of reaching out to the different sectors of the audience This is teasing in Dendang Pauh of the Minagkabau The following line praises the host who has kindly invited the troupe. Dari Alai taruih ka Jati. Ka baruah jalan ulak karang. Luriuh masuak ka jambatan. Tando baralek paramisi. Siti Johari 1992.If religious life is paramount, family life is perhaps as important too As many poets and observers of Nusantara life cannot help but live through it and its related issues - from the problems between husbands and wives, to those between siblings - they naturally become the subjectmatter of their literary creations The following quotation tells of the tight-rope existence of a daughter-in-law Her parents in-law are angry, therefore the wife makes a decision to return home. Pucuk perah selera perah. Pucuk kundur ngelai ke hulu. Ibu dan bapa sudahlah marah. Biar saya balik dulu. Finally the pantun has several other themes, for which this essay, unfortunately, has no space Among them we hear of those concerning unmarried girls, widows and widowers, poverty and justice and the fate of the dagang - the sailor or trader who has to be away from home for long periods of time. It is thus quite clear that the pantun enter into numerous sectors of human exsistence and contributes to an undertanding of man, life and nature all of this a knowledge necessary for his survival and development. Oral literature of the many ethnic groups in Malaysia and Indonesia is fighting for its life, while some are beyond resuscitation This is the tragedy of our times, and their blood is on our hands Their contact and great clash with the colonialism that foregrounded an alien culture, language and modes of living have caused them to be marginalised, especially if they have chosen to be themselves and follow the cultures of their forefathers In the meantime the coming of modernisation and the unstoppable globalisation has all but killed the indigenous artistic forms The coming of the radio, movies, television, and now the computer, is a loud death knell for much of Malaysian and Indonesian oral works However, within this grim narrative only that of the pantun can tell a more pleasant tale, not yet with a tragic ending While the other forms are dying the pantun is still alive, both as a classic form and also a contemporary one. In this new world the pantun still stands its ground, albeit after certain adjustments As it is flexible on the one hand, and on the other, being deeply rooted in the mind of Malays and Nusantara man, it was easily carried over into new genres and uses Thus it is no surprise that we find pantuns in advertisements, lyrics of songs, comics, introductory lines of TV and radio programmes, in the plays and films In a Malaysian TV advertisement a quatrain or two is composed to sell Everyday Milk, or MasterCard The Everyday poem sounds as follows - it is not a good one - but colourful enough and quite direct, spoken by two children answering each other One of them says, if you want to know the secret it is the new Everyday. Mak ke pasar bajunya merah. Adik diiring berbaju biru. Nak tahu apa rahsianya. Inilah susu Everyday baru. In another advert the representative of a bride asks the bridegroom to buy the fan she is holding, before he is allowed to sit by h er She does so in the pantun form, as is usual on these occasions The man replies in also with a pantun but presents a MasterCard as payment In faraway Bali we find another use of the modern pantun Listeners to a radio programme sponsored by a company may send in pantuns in praise of a sponsor s product, for example a brand of coffee The chosen poems are read over the air, and their poets are rewarded with a song each. This Indonesian-language pantun on Radio Aneka Rama, in 1993, a commercial Balinese radio, praises Fumakilla, a mosquito repellant. Burung crukcuk cukup banyak. Suka makan buah pala yang kenyal. Ubat nyamuk memang banyak. Ubat nyamuk Fumakila yang cukup terkenal. Kusir planduk suka makan ketela. Ketela juga makan pokok kita semua. Usirlah nyamuk dengan si Fumakila. Kerana nyamuk adalah musuh kita semua. The next one drinks in the the delicious praise of coffee. Terima kasih atas kiriman fotomu. Wahai adik dara madona yang manja. Kopi cap kupu-kupu sangat bermutu. Karena aroma dan rasa nya telah diracik istimewa. In quality these poems are not good, in fact very bad, however, for the programme they provide a popular traditional form for a new medium. While traditionally the berbalas pantun was a village event, at present this event is taken into campuses, state competitions and even national ones, sponsored by the a newspaper company or by the RTM Between the Radio Kuching and the Radio Brunei there are other forms of the berbalas pantun, called the mukun - where famous singers are replied in pantuns that are sung on radio - during the idilfitri or other important festive days There are also programmes for the senior citizens on Radio Tiga Seremban, but the poems of the berbalas pantun, mostly phoned-in, may be found on RTM and Times Highway Radio A quote from Radio 3 Seremban, in the Pantun Ria programme in 1998, would better illustrate this point The first poet replies that as her adversary was so obsessed in asking the contribution of the women, what did he think wa s the contribution of men He avoids the question but answers that there are many, more than she would be able to count on her two hands. Pulapa tersayang pulapa tercinta. Pelatihnya cergas lagi berani. Asyik bertanya sumbangan wanita. Apakah pula sumbangan lelaki. Posted 04 May 2011 11 04 AM PDT. The Indian Ocean continued to serve as both a commercial and a cultural link between Indonesia and the countries to the west Thus Islam, which was established on the Arabian Peninsula by the Prophet Muhammad in the seventh century A D followed the Hindu and Buddhist religions into the archipelago By the late twentieth century, approximately 85 percent of Indonesia s inhabitants considered themselves to be Muslim Among some Indonesians, Islam is only an element in a syncretic belief system that also includes animist and Hindu-Buddhist concepts Others are intensely committed to the faith Like the introduction of Indian civilization, the process of Islamization is obscure because of the lack of adequat e historical records and archeological evidence The archipelago was not invaded by outsiders and forcibly converted Yet states that had converted to Islam often waged war against those that adhered to the older, Hindu-Buddhist traditions Religious lines, however, do not appear to have been clearly drawn in Javanese statecraft and war. Over the centuries, merchants from Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean ports and mystics and literary figures propagated the faith Because commerce was more prevalent along the coasts of Sumatra, Java, and the eastern archipelago than in inland areas of Java, it is not surprising that Islamization proceeded more rapidly in the former than the latter According to historian M C Ricklefs, legends describe the conversion of rulers to Islam in coastal Malay regions as a great turning point marked by miracles including the magical circumcision of converts , the confession of faith, and adoption of Arabic names Javanese chroniclers tended to view it as a much less centr al event in the history of dynasties and states But the Javanese chronicles mention the role of nine or ten saints wali in Arabic , who converted rulers through the use of supernatural powers. Doubtless small numbers of Muslims traveled through and resided in the archipelago at a very early date Historical records of the Chinese Tang Dynasty A D 618-907 tell of Arab traders who must have stopped at Indonesian ports along the way to Guangzhou and other southern Chinese ports Yet the conversion of rulers and significant numbers of indigenous peoples to Islam apparently did not begin until around the late thirteenth century. Many areas of the archipelago resisted the religion s spread Some, such as Ambon, were converted to Christianity by Europeans Others preserved their distinctiveness despite powerful Islamic neighbors These included small enclaves on Java and the adjacent island of Bali, where animist and Hindu beliefs created a distinct, inward-looking culture. The first reliable evidenc e of Islam as an active force in the archipelago comes from the Venetian traveler Marco Polo Landing in northern Sumatra on his way back to Europe from China in 1292, he discovered an Islamic town, Perlak, surrounded by non-Islamic neighbors An inscription from a tombstone dated 1297 reveals that the first ruler of Samudra, another Sumatran state, was a Muslim the Arab traveler Muhammad ibn - Abdullah ibn-Battuta visited the same town in 1345-46 and wrote that its monarch was a Sunni rather than a Shia Muslim By the late fourteenth century, inscriptions on Sumatra were written with Arabic letters rather than older, indigenous or Indian-based scripts. There also were important Chinese contacts with Java and Sumatra during this period Between 1405 and 1433, a Chinese Muslim military leader, the Grand Eunuch Zheng He, was commissioned by the Ming Dynasty 1368-1643 emperor to make seven naval expeditions, each comprising hundreds of ships and crews numbering more than 20,000 The various expe ditions went from China to Southeast Asia, South Asia, the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa Rather than voyages of exploration, these expeditions followed established trade routes and were diplomatic in nature and helped expand contacts among and provide information about the regions visited Zheng used Java and Sumatra as waystops and, on his first voyage, destroyed a Chinese pirate fleet based near Palembang on the north coast of Sumatra He also is said to have developed close contacts with Melaka on the Malay Peninsula. The major impetus to Islamization was provided by Melaka, a rich port city that dominated the Strait of Malacca and controlled much of the archipelago s trade during the fifteenth century According to legend, Melaka was founded in 1400 by a princely descendant of the rulers of Srivijaya who fled Palembang after an attack by Majapahit Originally a Hindu-Buddhist, this prince converted to Islam and assumed the name Iskandar Syah Under his rule and that of his successors , Melaka s trading fleets brought Islam to coastal areas of the archipelago According to the sixteenth century Portuguese chronicler Tom Pires, whose Suma Oriental is perhaps the best account of early sixteenth century Indonesia, most of the Sumatran states were Muslim The kingdom known as Aceh, founded in the early sixteenth century at the western tip of Sumatra, was a territory of strong Islamic allegiance In Pires s time, the ruler of the Minangkabau people of central Sumatra and his court were Muslim, but their subjects were not. In eastern Indonesia, Islamization proceeded through the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, often in competition with the aggressive proselytization of Portuguese and other Christian missionaries According to Pires, the island states of Ternate and Tidore, off the west coast of Halmahera in Maluku, had Muslim sultans, and Muslim merchants had settled in the Banda Islands In 1605 the ruler of Gowa in southern Sulawesi Celebes converted to Islam and subsequ ently imposed Islam on neighboring rulers Muslim missionaries were sent from the north coast of Java to Lombok, Sulawesi, and Kalimantan until the late seventeenth century. Because of the antiquity of Java s civilizations and the relative isolation of some of its most powerful kingdoms, the process of Islamization there was both complex and protracted The discovery of Muslim gravestones dating from the fourteenth century near the site of the Majapahit court suggests that members of the elite converted to Islam while the king remained an adherent of Indian religions The early focus of conversion was the northern coastal region, known as the Pasisir Javanese for coast Melaka s domination of trade after 1400 promoted a substantial Islamic presence in the Pasisir region, which lay strategically between Melaka to the west and Maluku to the east Muslim merchants were numerous, although their role in the conversion of royal courts is unclear The north shore state of Gresik was ruled by one of the nine saints During the sixteenth century, after Melaka had ceased to be an Islamic center following its capture by the Portuguese in 1511, the Malay trading network shifted to Johore and northwest Kalimantan. In the early seventeenth century, the most powerful state in Central Java was Mataram, whose rulers cultivated friendly relations with the Pasisir states, especially Gresik, and tolerated the establishment of Islamic schools and communities in the countryside Tolerance may have been motivated by the rulers desire to use the schools to control village populations Muslim groups in the interior were often mutually antagonistic, however, and sometimes experienced official persecution The greatest of Mataram s rulers, Sultan Agung reigned 1613-46 , warred against various Javanese states and defeated as many as he could Without shedding the Hindu-Buddhist or Javanese animist attributes of kingship, he sought and received permission from Mecca to assume the Islamic title of sultan in 1641.Scholars have speculated on why Islam failed to gain a large number of converts until after the thirteenth century, even though Muslim merchants had arrived in the islands much earlier Some have suggested that the Sufi tradition--a mystical branch of Islam that emphasizes the ultimate reality of God and the illusoriness of the perceived world--may have been brought into the islands at this time Given the mystical elements of both Sufism and indigenous beliefs, it may have been more appealing to Indonesians than earlier, more austere, and law-bound versions of Islam Yet according to Ricklefs, no evidence of the existence of Sufi brotherhoods in the early centuries has been found. Posted 04 May 2011 10 56 AM PDT. Both the British occupation of the archipelago during the Napoleonic Wars and the Java War seriously weakened Dutch authority outside of Java Pirates flourished in the power vacuum, making Indonesian waters among the most dangerous in the world In the 1840s, the British estab lished a presence in northern Kalimantan North Borneo , where James Brooke made himself the first White Rajah of Sarawak Alarmed by such developments, the Dutch initiated policies of colonial expansion in the Outer Islands, which brought all the land area of modern Indonesia, with the exception of Portuguese Timor, under their control. Dutch expansion began first in neighboring Sumatra By 1823 the eastern part of the island, including Palembang, was under Dutch control The Padri War 1821-38 pacified the Minangkabau region The padri were religious teachers committed to the reform and propagation of Islam and were dominant in the region after the assassination of the Minangkabau royal family in 1815 Conflicts arose between them and secular adat leaders, and the latter called for Dutch intervention Between the 1870s and the end of the century, colonial troops also defeated the fierce Batak ethnic group, living north of the Minangkabau, and the colonial government encouraged the populace to convert to Christianity. The 1824 Treaty of London defined a British sphere of influence on the Malay Peninsula and a Dutch sphere on Sumatra, although its provisions placed no restrictions on British trade on the island Sumatran trade became an issue of contention, however, because the British resented what they saw as Dutch attempts to curtail their commercial activities One provision of the Treaty of London was the independence of the north Sumatran state of Aceh But Aceh controlled a large portion of the pepper trade and alarmed the Dutch by actively seeking relations with other Western countries A new Anglo-Dutch treaty, signed in 1871, gave the Dutch a free hand in Sumatra concerning Aceh Two years later, talks between the United States consul in Singapore and Acehnese representatives gave Batavia the pretext for opening hostilities Dutch gunboats bombarded the sultanate s capital, Banda Aceh, and troops were landed The capital fell under Dutch occupation the following year, but Acehnese forces undertook guerrilla resistance The Aceh War 1873-1903 was one of the longest and bloodiest in DutchIndonesian history. During the nineteenth century, militant or reformist Islam posed a major challenge to Dutch rule, especially in Sumatra The padri of Minangkabau, for example, were returned pilgrims from Mecca who were inspired by Wahhabism--a Western term given to the strict form of Islam practiced in Arabia--that stressed the unitary nature of God The padri were determined to purge their society of non-Islamic elements, such as the traditional system of matrilineal inheritance and consumption of alcohol and opium The Acehnese, the most rigorously fundamentalist of Indonesian Muslims, also had close contacts with Mecca. The principal architect of colonial Islamic policy was Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje, a scholar of Arabic who had gone to Mecca to study Indonesian pilgrims and served as adviser to the Netherlands Indies government from 1891 to 1904 His policy was one of c ooptation rather than opposition instead of promoting the spread of Christianity, he suggested, the government should maintain supportive relations with established Islamic authorities such as the qadi or judges of the royal courts Established Islam was no threat, according to Snouck Hurgronje, but fanatic Muslim teachers who maintained independent Islamic schools were He also advised that the government coopt local nonIslamic chiefs, whose source of authority was based on adat or local law and custom This practice was, in fact, Dutch policy in Aceh after the war Local Acehnese chiefs, the uleebalang, were given much the same role as the priyayi on Java. Farther east, the Dutch imposed rust en orde, the colonial system, on Madura, where local rulers were assimilated into the regency system in 1887 on Kalimantan, where in 1860 the sultanate of Banjarmasin had been dethroned and replaced by direct colonial rule in Sulawesi, where wars between the Dutch and the Makassarese and Buginese sta tes of Gowa and Bone continued until 1905-06 and where the headhunting Toraja people were also subjugated and in the remote western half of New Guinea, which was brought under full control only after World War I The Dutch had first built a fort at Lobo in West New Guinea in 1828, but abandoned it eight years later. The Balinese stubbornly resisted Dutch attempts to subjugate them throughout the nineteenth century This mountainous, volcanic island of great natural beauty, with its own Hindu-animist culture, art, and ways of life, was divided into a number of small kingdoms whose rulers saw no more reason to submit to Batavia than they had to Islamic states during the previous four centuries Although the northern part of the island came under Dutch control by 1882 and was joined with the neighboring island of Lombok as a single residency, the southern and eastern rulers refused to accept full Dutch sovereignty Between 1904 and 1908, military expeditions were sent to suppress them Some of the kings and their royal families, including women and children, realizing that the independence and self-sufficiency of their ancient world were crumbling, committed suicide by marching in front of Dutch gunners during the height of battle. Posted 04 May 2011 09 30 AM PDT. Since cuisines are born on the land and grow within its climate, contours, topography, and geography, Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines have bred sister cuisines that find similarities as well in Thailand, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and Brunei Darussalam It is thus possible to speak of Southeast Asian cuisine even while acknowledging the regional differences that come from history, society, and culture. Indonesia, for example, with its fifteen thousand islands, covers a large portion of Southeast Asia, and in the early twenty-first century its population 209 4 million ranked fourth among the world s most populous nations Although the islands vary greatly in size, climate, and soil and thus in cuisine, it is possi ble to speak of pan-Indonesian culinary traditions, to set them in their regional contexts, and to invite comparisons with their neighbors. Malaysia is contiguous to Singapore on one side and to Brunei on the other Its land, weather, and geographical features are similar to those of the rest of Southeast Asia However, its population 23 million is composed of Malay Muslims, Peranakan or Straits Chinese with roots in South China, and Indians, mainly from South India, so it developed three principal cuisines, Malay, Indian, and Chinese The country s leaders emphasize its multicultural nature and consider all three cuisines equally national. The Philippines population 75 8 million , with seven thousand islands, many of them small, has the longest discontinuous coastline in the world With its tropical weather, plains and mountains, and wealth of water sources, it developed a culinary pattern similar to those of Indonesia and Malaysia History and the colonial experience, Spanish for almost fou r hundred years and American for forty years, mediated and transformed its basic Asian cuisine. Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines therefore demonstrate cuisines that grew on virtually the same soil and in analogous weather conditions but which developed individual, regional characteristics through the actions of history and society on the countries cultures Certain similarities and commonalities stand out, however, even before the differences. Meals in all three countries assume the presence of rice, without which the repast is not a meal but a snack, pangtawid gutom, just to bridge hungers, Filipinos say To the native varieties modern research, for example, that conducted by the International Rice Research Institute IRRI in the Philippines, has added high-yield, pest-resistant strains But Asians treasure traditional strains for their fragrance, particular characteristics, and lore. Deep from mythic history come the rice stories The Bagobo people of Mindanao talk of the hero Lumaba t, who wished to explore the sky with his sister Mebuyan She refused, sitting firmly in a rice mortar, which sank into the earth with her as she scattered handfuls of rice She has stayed underground since then In a Javanese story Tisnawati, daughter of the supreme god Batara Guru, falls in love with a mortal, Jakasudana, of whom her father disapproves The father punishes her disobedience by turning her into a rice stalk, but then, in pity, he transforms Jakasudana as well Their marriage is reenacted by the Javanese harvest ritual in Malaysia. The cooking of rice proceeds in similar ways It is washed, cooked in water steamed, boiled, or parboiled , and made the background and taste-shaper of Southeast Asian meals Because of its mildness, rice invites contrasting tastes, the hot curries of Malaysia, for example, the chili-hot sambals of Indonesia, or the salty preserved fish tuyo, daing of the Philippines It can be fried, as in Indonesian nasi goreng and the morning-after garlic-flavored Philippine breakfast rice sinangag Malaysians cook rice in coconut milk for the favorite breakfast dish laksa and cook thick coconut milk with fragrant herbs until it becomes oil to make nasi ulam, which the writer Sri Owen calls a Malaysian version of the British-Indian kedgeree. All throughout the region, of course, rice is the basis of cakes and other snacks Glutinous rice cooked in coconut milk with sugar or salt, sparked by ginger, appears everywhere, bare in bamboo baskets layered, varishaped, or colored wrapped ingeniously in coconut fronds, banana leaves, or other leaves and in fresh and artful native packaging designs Kue bugis are Indonesian steamed-rice cakes filled with sweetened grated coconut and cooked in banana leaves Malaysia has kui wajek, a pudding of glutinous rice, coconut milk, palm sugar, and knotted pandanus screw pine leaves and tapeh, fermented glutinous rice with sugar. The word suman is used in the Philippines for many kinds of steamed, leaf-wrapped glutinous rice rolls eaten with grated coconut and sugar and sometimes with ripe mangoes Bibingka is a flat, golden rice cake cooked with coals above and below, and puto refers to innumerable steamed cakes of rice flour, some small and round, others platter-sized or cylindrical A traditional Christmas food is puto bumbong, a violet-colored rice pirurutong steamed upright in bamboo tubes. Rice is also cooked soft as a porridge, congee, snack, or breakfast food Filipinos, who inherited rice directly from Chinese traders and migrants, serve it with condiments, such as minced vegetables, shredded meat, chopped nuts, and century egg slices plain, especially for children and the sick or cooked with fish, chicken arroz caldo or rice soup , or tripe goto and served sprinkled with browned garlic, green onions, fish sauce, and lime juice In a dish learned from Mexico, rice is also cooked with chocolate champurrado and served with bits of salted fish or dried venison. Malaysian kai cheok is a rice porridge w ith shredded chicken meat, crisp-fried shallots, a little oil, pepper, shredded ginger, spring onions, and light soy sauce Indonesia has a chilled rice soup made from soft-cooked rice with fresh coconut milk and small slices of sweet papaya that is served for breakfast or as a cool summer refresher. The main dishes range through the region s favored flavors, including the Indonesian sambal goreng udang of prawns or shrimp and rice the Hainanese chicken rice of Singapore and Malaysia with its soup, rice steamed in broth, and sauces hot and otherwise and the Philippine bringhe of glutinous rice, coconut milk, chicken, and Spanish chorizo Rice as staff of life food for principal meals and for snacks, food for rituals and celebrations, food that shapes tastes and dietary patterns certainly is a common denominator in Southeast Asia. The tree of life is shared by Southeast Asia and the Pacific Rim From Hawaii and Tahiti and all through mainland and island Southeast Asia, coconuts are grated, o ften on beautiful graters of folk design, and squeezed in water for the first milk or cream then again for the thinner milk, for which there are specific uses in dishes. The milk is thick when used in rendang, the Minangkabau dish of buffalo meat or beef cooked long and spicy with shallots, garlic, ginger, turmeric, chilies, and laos The dish can keep for months because the milk turns to oil in the course of cooking The Malaysian kambing korma or lamb curry is mutton or lamb cooked in spices and thick coconut milk The Javanese pepes ikan, on the other hand, is fish wrapped in banana leaves with herbs, spices, and desiccated coconut soaked in warm water for five minutes not squeezed The Philippine Bicol region is known for many dishes of meat beef, chicken, pork , fish, shrimp, and vegetables santol pulp, young jackfruit, chilies cooked in coconut milk that is thick or thin or both. Young coconut is also used In Laguna province in Luzon it is cut in strips and sauted like noodles or steam ed with river shrimp in coconut water In Iloilo Province in the Visayas it is cooked with chicken into a soup called binacol Young and mature coconuts, including the sport coconut, called in Filipino makapuno, full, because it is flesh filled, make possible a stellar parade of candies and sweets, including the Philippine bukayo coconut candy and sweet makapuno syrup, lime rind the doughnut-like Malaysian kuih keria of sago, rice, and grated coconut and the Indonesian serikaya coconut custard and onde-onde small rice cakes rolled in grated coconut The flavor of coconut at all its stages is savored throughout the region in recognizably compatible ways. Spices, Herbs, Relishes. Southeast Asian tables generally bear not only serving platters with dishes to be shared and individual plates or bowls but also little satellite dishes for dipping sauces, spices, chopped herbs, and relishes like shrimp paste and fish sauce The meal may be prepared by great cooks or chefs, but each diner has the ri ght and freedom to fine-tune the dish to his or her individual taste by dipping, pouring, mixing, and sprinkling and thus giving the dish its final grace. Among the possibilities are the Indonesian sambal and sambel, hot and spicy relishes served with food They feature red and green chilies, hot bird peppers, terasi shrimp paste, which is made by salting and mashing tiny shrimp and allowing them to ferment , lemon, lime, soy sauce, shallots, chili powder, tamarind water, salted yellow beans, and more, depending on the dish they are to accompany Others are serundeng roasted grated coconut and goreng bawang crisp-fried onions to sprinkle on particular dishes. In the Philippines dipping sauces are called sawsawan and could be basic vinegar, soy sauce, patis fish sauce, made by salting and fermenting small fish calamansi lime juice combined vinegar-soy or patis-calamansi or enhanced with herbs and spices, such as crushed peppercorns, ginger, garlic, chili peppers or seeds, coriander leaves, pork or crackling bits, and salted black beans Achara, such as pickled papaya, mangoes, heart of palm, and chilies, are accompaniments as well These make it possible to satisfy individual palates or to make each mouthful a different delight. Parallels exist in Malaysian and Singaporean cooking, including prawn and shrimp pastes blacan terasi and the mild Chinese liquid hei-ko dried anchovy and fish sauce the rempah spice mixture of sambal and achar mangoes, mixed vegetables and goreng bawang crisp-fried onions The famous Hainanese chicken rice of Malaysia and Singapore may come with sambal belacan red chilies, shrimp paste, limes or at least three sauces, a fresh-made chili sauce, finely crushed ginger and oil, and soy sauce Nasi lemak, the Nonya-Malay rice steamed in coconut milk, and its satellite dishes constitute the traditional festal dish for the twelfth day of a wedding The accompaniments may include sambal udang shrimp , ikan kuning small fried fish , cucumber slices, and sli ced red chilies. The renowned Indonesian rijsttafel rice table , although based on feasts of yore, has become largely a Dutch custom Rice, the central dish, is surrounded with smaller dishes and relishes Popular in Indonesia is a miniature rijstaffel called nasi rames with some seven side dishes, like dendeng ragi beef and grated coconut , sayur lodeh spicy vegetable stew , rendang beef cooked in spices and coconut milk , kering tempe crisp-fried tempe , kelia ayam Sumatran chicken curry , sambal bajak mixed spice relish , and krupuk prawn crackers Each spice-enhanced dish introduces a flavor or flavors to harmonize with the rest in a whole Asian experience. The sauces include fish, oyster, hoisin, chili, plum, black bean, yellow bean, chili bean, red bean, shrimp paste, sesame paste, and soybean the cooking fats and oils are peanut, rape seed, coconut, sesame seed, palm, and chili and the vinegars are rice, coconut, palm, sugar cane, and fruit Combining all with the sambals and other ma de-up cooked or mixed combinations creates a repertoire of unnumbered possibilities, all Asian or Southeast Asian, a kaleidoscope of flavors and flavor makers. Chinese and Other Foreign Influences. All three countries have significant Chinese populations, which even make up a full third of the population in Malaysia, that may or may not have integrated successfully in the cities and villages Consequently all have strong Chinese dietary strains in their cuisines Even during racial conflicts riots in Malaysia, wars and ghetto burning in the Philippines, discrimination and segregation in Indonesia the foods melded and the Chinese presence became a matter of fact, even of pride. Nonya cooking in Malaysia originated among Chinese immigrants who settled in Malacca in the fifteenth century Daughters of well-to-do Nonya women were trained in household and cooking skills from early childhood The cuisine uses chilies, shrimp paste, coconut milk, and aromatic roots and leaves as in the Malaysian and Indonesian traditions but also retains pork and noodles from its Chinese past. The popiah or spring roll is often served in its separate pieces the wrapper pancakes fillings, possibly including eggs, sausages, bean curd, bean sprouts, prawns, cucumber sticks, spring onions, lettuce leaves, pork, crab meat, bamboo shoots, and water chestnuts and sauces and relishes on a round table at which each diner creates a spring roll to taste The Nonya pork sate is a compromise between a Muslim prohibition and a Chinese taste for pork The resulting taste is Malay, with chilies, coconut milk, lemon grass, and coriander. In the Philippines the first public eateries were Chinese establishments that served indigenized comida China Chinese food in restaurants called carinderia, a Spanish formulation from a native word cari or kari, cooked food To accommodate the Spanish patrons, the food had Spanish names, such as aletas de tiburon shark fins , tortilla de cangrejo crab omelet , camaron rebozado batterc oated shrimps. Widely popular and variegated is the lumpia, a vegetable or pork spring roll in a thin flour wrapper, the local edition of the Malay popiah The noodle dishes, generically called pansit from the Hokkien word for that which is quickly cooked, vary from region to region, indeed family to family, cook to cook Char kway teow is the most popular Malay-Singaporean noodle, but in the Philippines the most popular is pancit palabok, noodles shaken in water or broth and covered with a sauce of shrimp, pork, vegetables, bean curd, and sometimes squid, oysters, crumbled crackling, and flaked smoked fish In Indonesia it may be mie jawa, which includes bakmie goreng fried noodles or bakmie godog noodle soup , egg noodles with beef or pork, shrimp or prawns, carrots, bean sprouts, shallots, candlenuts, and other seasonings. Each country s colonial and social histories left deep imprints on its cuisine, the roots of many regional differences The Spanish-Mexican and American colonial regime s, building on the indigenous and Chinese food already in place, shaped what is now known as Philippine cooking Native to the soil are dishes like sinigang, a sour stew of meats, crustaceans, fish, or fowl soured with tamarind, bilimbi, green mango, or other sour fruits and leaves Sour broths are cooling to the skin, especially in tropical weather Indigenous too are fresh meat, fish, and fowl, steamed, simmered, boiled, or roasted, and vegetables cooked in coconut milk or steamed and flavored with shrimp paste or fish sauce. Filipinos indigenized Chinese, Spanish-Mexican, and American dishes through the use of native ingredients and cooking by native cooks with homegrown taste buds Among those dishes are Spanish stews cocido, puchero with eggplant or squash relishes the Mexican tamale transformed from a corn snack wrapped in corn husks into a rice snack wrapped in a banana leaf a Chinese porridge cooked in the Philippines with chicken and kasubha a saffronlike spice or including unhatch ed eggs beef hamburgers with soy and chopped onions and steaks marinated in soy sauce and lime juice before grilling The foreign food has been accepted but adapted to local tastes. The colonial experience gives Philippine dishes a European-American dimension, just as British colonization colored Malay-Singapore food and Dutch domination redefined Indonesian cooking Of the latter two, however, the Dutch influence is the lightest, because the colonizers were not too interested in changing the native culture of the colonized However, Spanish colonization of the Philippines, which meant Christianization as well, was much more deeply engaged in culture change, as was American colonization, which made its impact through language and education In Malaysia, the Indians, Chinese, immigrant elites from East and Southeast Asia, and Europeans influenced food more strongly than did the British. Southeast Asian Cuisine in the Twenty-First Century. Although it is logical and true to speak of the individ ual sister cuisines of Southeast Asia, they are variations on regional themes A common repertoire of spices, rice, coconuts, vegetables, fish, fowl, and animals exists The lands and waters and the trade and interaction have made that inevitable Thus the cuisines have compatible attitudes, common practices, and recognizable similarities However, the differences wrought by history, especially the colonial experiences and the strategies of survival social forces, including war, peace, trade, and population and the countries cultures, that is, the way people think, work, survive, and express themselves, have resulted in the kaleidoscope of tastes and dishes in Southeast Asia. The Indonesian pisang goring, bananas mashed with sugar and flour, and the Philippine linupak, green bananas mashed with sugar and coconut, and pinasugbu, green banana slices dipped in molasses syrup, are variations on a theme The Nonya pancake, a teatime snack filled with palm sugar and served with chocolate sauce, an d the Philippine piaya, a flat cake filled with brown sugar and sprinkled with sesame seeds, are also variations The similarities are clear, but regional circumstances gave them particular characteristics On warm afternoons Indonesians enjoy es cendol, short strands of two kinds of flour sieved, flavored, and served with sugar syrup, coconut milk, and ice crushed or cubed Malaysians have bubor cha-cha with yam and sweet potato cubes, tapioca, sweet coconut milk, and ice shavings Filipinos serve instead halo-halo literally mix-mix with palm fruit, gelatin cubes, banana slices, sweetened coconut strands, milk, and crushed ice The mixtures are analogous because the weather and the habits of refreshment are too. The famous dishes of each cuisine may have tastes familiar and acceptable to the whole region, but they are different and make a rich repertoire In Malaysia celebrations may include chili crab, satays, a steamboat, the Nonya sambal sotong squid or sambal udang prawns , bakwan kepiti ng a Nonya must for Lunar New Year s and birthdays , the Hokkien-Nonya ngoh hiang five-spice rolls with prawns, pork, and crab meat , rebong masak lemak chicken and bamboo shoots , sambal kim chiam a salad of banana buds , Indian-based vindaloo chicken or duck , and clay pot dishes and soups of Chinese origin Malaysians and Singaporeans consider many other dishes connected to their multicultural family feasts and traditions. Philippine feasting often features colonial food, such as Spanish stews cocido, puchero with sausages chorizo, morcilla sugar-glazed Christmas hams jamon en dulce stuffed turkeys and capons pavo embuchado, capon rellenado and American salads, pies, and cakes, once considered elite and thus appropriate for celebrations To these time and custom have added specialties of Chinese origin, especially noodles, roast duck, roast pig, steamed fish chosen live from a tank, bird s nest and shark fin soups, and delicate dumplings and buns The indigenous rice cakes, rolls, an d desserts stews like kari-kari oxtail and special dishes like lechon tamarind leaf or lemon grass stuffed suckling pig skewered and roasted on an open fire are the local contribution to a cuisine that combines the indigenous, the indigenized, and even the imported. Indonesia, with so many regional traditions, has one of the richest cuisines, and the Western world, which has sent more scholars to Indonesia than to any other Southeast Asian country, has explored it The names sound rare and enticing, like the famous beef rendang the hearty gado-gado salad of cooked vegetables the different gulai vegetables like pako, fiddlehead fern cooked in coconut milk fish and fish cakes sates of lamb, beef, and chicken bebek dengan bumbu betutu duck breasts in Balinese spices bubur ayam rice porridge with spicy chicken soup and sweets like rujak a spiced fruit salad , marabak kubang Sumatran stuffed pancakes , and lapis legit spiced layered cake Southeast Asian ingredients, spices, cooking methods , dishes traditional and new, meal patterns, and border-crossing food and foodways remind readers of cookbooks, menus, and travel, ethnographic, and anthropological accounts that the words are the merest keys to cultures deep and rich, starting points for meals, for cultural interactions, and for rich conversations with national identities, time, and traditions. Other Regional Cuisines. Most Southeast Asian societies have been in contact with each other and with other societies, such as India and China, for many centuries Within Southeast Asia food serves as an ethnic and national marker, distinguishing one group from another The region is characterized by a great diversity of cuisines that have been shaped by local geography, ecology, religion, and history Despite the diversity, distinct commonalities exist Ingredients like coconut milk, lemon grass, galingale, ginger, Asian basil, mint, fish sauce, and shrimp paste are used throughout the region However, cooking techniques and the ways these ingredients are combined vary greatly and give each cuisine its distinctiveness. Lao People s Democratic Republic. Rice, especially the glutinous variety, is the staple for Lao meals Other frequently used ingredients include fresh vegetables, freshwater fish, poultry, duck, pork, beef, or water buffalo Lime juice, lemon, fresh coriander, and various fermented fish sauces give Lao food its characteristic flavor Pla daek, a highly pungent fermented fish sauce, is often considered an ethnic marker Additionally its heavy use throughout the country and the consumption of laap are indicators of the cultural and historical links with Northeast Thailand Hot chilies, garlic, mint, ground peanuts, tamarind juice, ginger, and coconut milk are other seasonings that link Lao cuisine to others of the region A soup, such as kaeng nor mai bamboo shoot soup or kaeng het bot mushroom soup , is a common feature of Lao meals One popular dish eaten by the Lao is feu, a noodle dish of Vietnamese origin Another noodle dish, klao poun, is served cold with a variety of raw chopped vegetables and a flavored coconut milk sauce and is often a part of celebrations Or lam, a regional dish in Luang Prabang, combines lemon grass, sweet basil, dried buffalo meant and skin, chilies, and eggplant. Myanmar is a diamond-shaped country bounded by China, Laos, and Thailand in the east, by Bangladesh and India in the north, and by the Indian Ocean in the west and south The landscape is mountainous, and only about one-sixth of the country is considered arable Of the arable land, approximately one-tenth is irrigated, mostly for rice agriculture The cuisine is considered a blend of Burman, Mon, Indian, and Chinese influences, and hot and spicy dishes particularly show the influence of Indian and other Southeast Asian cuisines Rice, the core of most meals, is often eaten with curries of fish, chicken, or prawns, and noodles and vegetables are common local ingredients Taste combinations of onion, ginger ro ot, garlic, turmeric, and chili pepper give the cuisine its distinctive flavor The curries in Myanmar are the mildest in Southeast Asia, but the heat level can be intensified by adding balachaung, a condiment made from chilies, tamarind paste, and dried shrimp, or ngapi kyaw, a hot and pungent shrimp paste fried in oil with garlic and onions. Kampuchea shares borders in the north with Laos and Thailand, in the east with Vietnam, and in the southwest with the Gulf of Thailand Khmer is Cambodia s official language, and Theravada Buddhism is the dominant religion Fish, rice, coriander, and lemon grass are common dish ingredients A Cambodian meal almost always includes a soup, which is eaten with the other dishes As elsewhere in Southeast Asia, freshwater fish is a mainstay Some dishes reflect the influence of French cooking, as does the use of bread. Brackman, Agnes de Keijzer Cook Indonesian Singapore Times Books International, 1982.Davidson, Alan The Oxford Companion to Food Oxford Oxford University Press, 1999.Fernandez, Doreen G Palayok Philippine Food through Time, onSite, in the Pot Makati City, Philippines Bookmark, 2000.Goody, Jack Cooking, Cuisine, and Class A Study in ComparativeSociology Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 1982.Ling, Kong Foong The Food of Asia Singapore Periplus, 1998.Morris, Sallie, and Deh-ta Hsiung The Practical Encyclopedia ofAsian Cooking London Lorenz Books, 1999.Ng, Dorothy Dorothy Ng s Complete Asian Meals Singapore Times Books International, 1979.Oon, Violet Violet Oon Cooks Singapore Ultra Violet, 1992.Owen, Sri The Classic Asian Cookbook London Dorling Kindersley, 1998.Owen, Sri Indonesian Food and Cookery London Prospect Books, 1986.Owen, Sri Indonesian Regional Food and Cookery London and New York Doubleday, 1994.Owen, Sri The Rice Book The Definitive Book on the Magic of RiceCookery London Transworld, 1993.Robson, J R K ed Food, Ecology, and Culture Readings in theAnthropology of Dietary Practices New York Gordon and Breach, 1 980.Simonds, Nina Asian Noodles New York Hearst Books, 1997.Solomon, Charmaine South East Asian Cookbook Sydney Hamlyn, 1972.Steinberg, Rafael Pacific and Southeast Asian Cooking New York Time-Life Books, 1970.Yoshida, Yoshiko Tropical Cookery Manila, Philippines National Book Store, 1981.Posted 04 May 2011 09 20 AM PDT. By B A Hussainmiya, Ph D. The transformation of the Sri Lankan Malay community into a martial race became more complete under the British rule than under the Dutch who surrendered their coastal possessions in 1796 Strangely enough, while the soldierly capabilities of Malays in Sri Lanka came in for their praise, the British treated the Malays in the peninsular as unfit for military duties Similarly in Sri Lanka, they considered the indigenous Sinhalese as unsuitable to bear arms and preferred to employ the Malays. The first Governor of British Ceylon, Frederic North 1798-1805 made elaborate plans to establish the Malay Regiment, modelled on the Sepoy Regiments of India Th e Malays were dressed for the first time in scarlet and white uniform of a regular regiment of infantry on line Special military schools were founded to teach them and their children to be proficient in both Malay and English A special library for the soldiers lent books, publications and manuscripts in Malay The regiment also had its own Malay chaplain to perform their religious rites In short the Malays enjoyed full facilities to practice Islam and their culture. More Malays were encouraged to immigrate to Sri Lanka with their families and paid bounty money Aristocratic Malay families were especially welcomed, enjoying higher ranks in service depending on the number of their followers they brought along. Aside from the colonial army, the Malays also found employment with the local Rajas. Several exiled Malay princes had held commissions in the Army For example, three out of five male children of the Makassarese King of Gowa, Batara Gowa Amas Madina II, from Southern Celebes who was exil ed to the island in 1767 by the Dutch, had joined the regiment His eldest son Captain Abdullah fought valiantly and died during the British-Polygar Wars in South India in 1800 His younger brothers Princes Karaeng a Makassarese title for nobility Mohd Nuruddin and Karaeng Mohd Saifuddin were both captains in the Ceylon Malay Regiment. Aside from the colonial army, the Malays also found employment with the local Rajas The Malays served the Cochin Raja in the Malabar coast of India who later were recruited by the British for service in Sri Lanka in 1799 More importantly, the last independent Ruler in Kandy in the central hilly region of Sri Lanka also had his own Malay army, known as Padikara Peruwa paid levies originally formed by the last Sinhalese Kandyan Ruler Kirthi Sri Rajasinghe 1747-82 In 1800, there were nearly 400 of them They ran away from the Dutch oppression into Kandy and welcomed at the Kandyan court, some of whom became the King s bodyguards Their chief was decorated with t he highest title of Muhandiram, like Pehins of Brunei reserved for local chieftains A half brother of the Bugis Princes, known as Sangunglo, who escaped to the central hills and described as fat tall prince by a contemporary British account, was the Commander of the Malay Army in the Kandyan Kingdom. During the first British-Kandyan war of 1803, British sources reveal an interesting but a heart-rending saga of sibling bravery and princely honour involving the Malay-Bugis princes When Kapitan Nuruddin and his brother Saifuddin led the British-Malay army into the heart of Kandy to fight the Sinhalese troops, their half brother Prince Sangunglo in the enemy ranks tried to lure them to join the Kandyans, and vice versa Both parties refused the offers but remained loyal to their masters, the British and the Kandyan kings respectively The Malay royal brothers fought each other as enemies in the service of their kings. The brave Sangunglo, the Kandyan Malay commander created havoc by his daring exploits against the British enemies who advanced into the heart of Kandyan capital during the first British-Kandyan war He fought bravely, engaging in hand to hand combat with his own brothers Sangunglo lost his life in the battle at the hands of the British commander, Major Davy The enraged Kandyan forces massacred and annihilated the British troops and brought victory to the Kandyan King, Sri Wickrema Rajasinghe. Following the British defeat in Kandy, their Malay commanders Princes Captain Nuruddin and Saifuddin were captured and brought before the Kandyan king During the audience the royal brothers refused to prostrate themselves in front of the King in the manner of customary obeisance Ignoring their temerity, the Kandyan king offered them the position as his own commanders and to become princes among his Malay subjects The princely brothers refused the offer, explaining that they had taken an oath to the King of England, and the acceptance of such an offer was tantamount to treac hery The Kandyan king gave them time to reconsider After three weeks in prison the Malay princes refused to budge even under torture. The enraged king put them to death and threw their bodies into the forest to be devoured by wild boars The ill treatment of their princes and the denial of decent Muslim burials to the Malay martyrs sent a chilling message to the King s Malay subjects who had served and fought for him loyally Governor North was especially aggrieved to learn about the sacrifice and martyrdom of the Nuruddin brothers, and set up a special Malay committee to compensate the widows of the slain soldiers. The Kandyan king was becoming notoriously paranoid and engaged in cruel acts against his own people During the second war in 1815, his discontented Malay subjects decided to turn the tables on him The role played by the Malays in the Kandyan wars certainly did tilt the balance of power The British could not win the first war, due to the Malay backing to the Kandyan king During the second war he lost their support and the war The centuries old Sri Lankan monarchic rule ended with him and the British became masters of whole of Sri Lanka in 1815 Now they had the entire Malay population in the island to serve them. Posted 04 May 2011 09 17 AM PDT. The Sejarah Melayu Malay Annals is clearly the most famous, distinctive and best classical Malay prose to be ever produced, sharing in the great literary tradition other Malay works such as the Hikayat Hang Tuah, Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai and the Hikayat Marong Mahawangsa Kedah Annals It chronicles the establishment of the Malaccan sultanate, charting a course of more than 600 years in a solid compact book filled with intricate details regarding royal protocol, royal lineages, weaving in various historical, mythical and legendary figures and episodes in a compendium that still captivates its audiences three centuries later Not historically connected, the collection of stories focuses on the activities of the Melaka sultans , their ancestors, their courts, government officials, allies and enemies Certainly, foreign rulers were also described, as were Malacca s foreign relations and its importance as a regional trading centre A noteworthy omission was the absence of any mention of peasant life. Attributed to Tun Seri Lanang as its first editor, the work was commissioned by Sultan Ala u-d-din Ri ayat Shah of Johor It was claimed to have been begun in on Sunday May 13, 1612, in Pasai, Sumatra, where the Sultan was being held captive Mahkota Alam of Acheh However, some scholars think that the original text was written prior to 1536 and underwent changes in 1612.Scholars agree that its well-written narrative and characterisation of personalities makes it a world-class literary classic Like any literary work of the medieval age, it has its downright boring moments - the endless geneaologies of rulers, every girl must be of peerless beauty, no army or fleet numbers less than the thousands past counting But, on th e other hand, the sheer narrative power is electric in many passages It is most brilliant when the author admires the cunning cherdek of the peoples of the peninsula - time after time, the men of Melaka are just too clever for the foreigner and there is sheer artistry, wit and humour when the author has his gentle digs at the foreigner gunting makan di-hujung Tales abound of the Melaka men and women outwitting, outflanking and befuddling all and sundry - from the Emperor of China to the largest Siamese fleets. It is also an important historical source about Malacca and the Malay world prior to Malacca s defeat by the Portuguese in 1511 Although the Sejarah Melayu mentions only one date, events described in it can be verified by other historical sources Much of the material found on this website is derived from the Sejarah. However, the main aim of this work was, undoubtedly, to laud the spleandour, greatness and superiority of the Melaka Sultanate - and it was written at a time when the Johor court, successors of the Melaka sultans, were being attacked by Portuguese and Achinese, their capital sacked many times and having to be moved from one part of the Straits to another The court was frequently on the run from marauding invaders, their territories being overrun The Sejarah Melayu was probably an attempt by the Johor court to overcome its sense of lost fortunes by regaining the past glories of a mythical golden age that was less than a generation past It still serves to inspire the Malay of today - and to remind them of the heights that they can be, and have been, capable of reaching. Posted 04 May 2011 09 13 AM PDT. By Al Azhar and Jan Van Der Putten. In the course of our research into the literary life of Riau in the nineteenth century and on the Dutch colonial officials on the scene at that time, we came across four letters from Raja Ali Haji hereafter referred to as RAH to Hermann von de Wall vdW which form part of the Van der Tuuk collection in the Leiden Universi ty Library These letters shed some new light on the relations between these two men, as wel1 as on the personal life of the prolific Malay writer Raja Ali Haji They also offer US some rare samples of nineteenth-century informal Malay, which differs considerably in style and phrasing from the Malay we know from the sincere and frank epistles discussed in other publications e g Gallop and Arps 1991 Therefore we considered these letters important enough to publish in full here along with a short introductory note. The letters concerned represent a correspondence between two friends who shared an interest in the Malay language and were each working on a dictionary, rather than between a native dignitary and a colonial official Raja Ali Haji 1 809 - c 1872 was a highly respected Malay intellectual of Buginese descent, who was related to the family of the Yang Dipertuan Muda ruling the Riau Lingga Archipelago from the island of Penyengat Apart from occupying a position as legal advisor at the court at Penyengat Matheson and Watson Andaya 1982 299 , he was the author of a number of works mainly on history and ethics 1 He was preoccupied with Malay traditions and with foreign influences in the Malay world He also took a deep interest in the Malay language, and produced two works on the subject a kind of spelling textbook Bustanul Katibin and an encyclopaedic dictionary Kitab Pengetahuan Bahasa , which was never completed The book on Malay spelling apparently was commissioned by the junior ruler of Riau, and was completed in 1857 Von de Wall 1870 565 The dictionary was probably compiled at the time the author was helping with the work on Von de Wall s Malay-Dutch dictionary, for which he was an acknowledged informant Von de Wall 187057 1.The Prussian future Malay expert Hermann von de Wal1 1 807- 1873 came to the Archipelago as a cavalry sergeant in 1829 He made his way up the administrative career ladder via several posts in Borneo 1 834-55 As Assistant Resident, he was comm issioned in 1855 to compile a Malay grammar and a Malay-Dutch and a Dutch-Malay dictionary Indisch Besluit no 7, 2 November 1855 For the execution of this task he was posted to Riau Indisch Besluit no 13, 10 June 1856 , where he died on 2nd May 1873 His presence in Riau had a stimulating effect on the production of literary works, of which he collected many copies 2 As is apparent from some other letters in the collection under discussion Leiden Cod Or 3388b , he was well-known and highly respected throughout the Malay world of the Peninsula, West Borneo and the Riau Archipelago During his stay in Riau, he published several studies on the Malay language and one volume of his extensive dictionary 1872 After his death, an abridged edition of the dictionary as a whole was published in three volumes by Van der Tuuk 1877-84.The letters from Raja Ali Haji form part of a set kept in a large box in the Van der Tuuk collection in the Leiden University Library Cod Or 3388 The letters in this box are kept in fourteen different folders, classified according to language, script, place of destination, and so on Of the four letters reproduced below, three were separated from the other letters written in Jawi script and kept in a separate folder Cod Or 3388, folder B 3 , Brieven van Radja Ali Hadji aan von de Walt. The other letter was probably not recognized as being written by RAH because his signature is lacking on the basis of the subject matter 4 and handwriting, however, we can safely assume that it is a letter from RAH to Von de Wall The four letters are written in a clear hand in Jawi script on European paper Three of them begin with a short salutation, in which vdW is addressed as paduka sahabat kita my noble friend Further expressions of courtesy are lacking, and the letters merely contain the information that RAH wished to convey Thyee of them end with a date and the writer s signature Raja Ali Haji The letter which lacks this signature only states the Islamic month and y ear in which it was written. Brief Descriptions and Summaries of the Contents.1 Dated Rabiulakhir 1275 H 8 November - 6 December 1858 No watermark One folded page with one side written on, and on side four the address, 2 1 5 x 17 cm, 16 lines, with 2 1 lines in the right-hand margin, no signature. After an expression of gratitude vdW apparently had saved RAH from disgrace 5 , RAH informs vdW of the two things which he cherishes most in his life his faith and his good name If one does not preserve these two things, there is no reason to go on living. Refening to the attack on Reteh, he stresses that he knows that one may not enslave or dispossess rebels vanquished by legitimate Islamic rulers, but that war damages need not be compensated This is what the books recommended to him by vdW state In the Arabic codes, the rules are even more stringent As he cannot bear to see widows of the victims whose idah period has not expired being violated by villains orang fasikz , he has felt obliged to write a brief note on the subject of the prescribed waiting-period for widows as a reminder to these people However, he dare not concern himself with the solution of the problem, as that is the responsibility of the Resident and the Yang Dipertuan Muda of Riau.2 Dated 17 Safar 1287 H 19 May 1870 Watermark H F DE CHARRO ZONEN One folded page, with one side written on, 20 5 x 16 5 cm, 22 lines including signature. After the opening salutation, RAH reports on the progress of the work being done by a scribe named Raja Ismail This scribe is working on three manuscripts, namely a the Arabic text Syarh al-Ka , which he is translating int0 Malay b a historical work referred to as Sejarah Melayu, which he is copying and c a dictionary being compiled by RAH, which he is copying As he has almost finished copying the historica1 work, RAH asks vdW s permission for the scribe to shift his attention to the Syarh al-Kafia About the dictionary he reports that he has stopped at the letter K bab al-Kaf fo r a few days because he is supplementing the letters he has done before He points to a word he has found that very morning, namely parindun 6 , which he defines as a pair of living creatures, whether human or animal He encloses the unfinished sejarah with the letter, requesting vdW to return it to him so that it may be completed as soon as possible RAH concludes the letter with the message that he wil1 visit vdW to decide on the books to be ordered from Egypt.3 Dated 4 Jumadilakhir 1287 H 1 September 1870 No watermark One folded page, with writing on both sides, 17 lines on the obverse and 15 lines on the reverse, 20 5 x 16 5 cm. RAH draws attention to a dictionary entry galur , and asks vdW to check whether it has been included in the dictionary If not, RAH wil1 make a note of it and take it to vdW RAH mentions two kinds of definition for the entries a short, simple mufrad definition, as preferred by vdW, and a more elaborate mufassar definition, as intended for the special dictionary being prepared for Malays RAH encloses with the letter the manuscript of a poem, Syair Siarah Said Qasyim 7 , as a present for vdW, which he may read to pass the time boleh dibaca2 permainan The poem is about Said Qasyim, an employee of the Dutch East Indies Government in Borneo, and was written at his request by Raja Daud RAH s half-brother The latter had made two copies, one of which had been sent to Said Qasyim, while the other one was enclosed with the letter to vdW RAH concludes his letter with an account of the arrangements he is making for the circumcision of his son Husin He is having financial problems as a result of disappointing revenues from the islands of Karimun and Kundur his apanage.4 Dated 18 Muharam 1288 H 9 April 187 1 Watermark AL MASSO One folded page, with writing on one side, 20 5 x 16 5 cm, 13 lines. RAH has had news from Datuk 8 that vdW has to leave for Batavia by the next mail for a period of two years for reasons of health, and wants to meet him before his de parture He is not able to come that Same afternoon, however, because he has to pick up his sick children on the island of Pengujan, and has to await the incoming tide The letter concludes with an Arabic formula conveying a blessing. Brief though these letters are, a few important points can be deduced from them In the first they clearly testify to a friendly relationship between the two men Although the salutation paduka sahabat kita is a standard formula in Malay letters to European officials Wilkinson 1957 190-91 , the absence of any of the other courtesy phrases that are so common in Malay letters suggests a certain intimacy or familiarity The fact that RAH refers to everyday events, such as the circumcision of his son and his inability to meet vdW because he has to pick up his children, clearly supports this point. Furthermore, the letters supply clear evidence that RAH was assisting vdW with the collection and definition of words RAH was working at the Same time on his own dictionar y, of which only the material for the first six letters has so far been recovered and published 9 Interesting evidence is moreover supplied of the clearly different perspectives from which the two men compiled their dictionaries vdW restricted himself to a brief definition of words, while RAH elaborated on the meanings and usages of the entries for his dictionary and provided comments of an ethica1 nature, as is apparentlfrom the published parts of this dictionary. Another matter on which light is shed, namely in the third letter, is the composition of the Syair Pangeran Syarif Hasyim by Raja Daud The information given here offers US a better insight int0 the history of the copies of this work kept in the Jakarta and Leiden collections RAH implies that he does not consider this syair very important, incidentally, where he suggests thatsvdW read it in his leisure time. Finally, the letters mention the name of a scribe or perhaps author , Raja Ismail, who was working on not just one manusc ript, but three, or at least two, at the same time disambilkan Although this name is not known to US from other contemporary manuscripts copied in Riau, the information given in-this connection does add to the picture of the transmission of Malay texts in Penyengat at the time. The reason for RAH s request to vdW to order books in Egypt, incidentally, becomes apparent from information contained in another letter For there he says that he had ordered books from people in Mecca, from whom there had been no response for about a year Thanks to the help of vdW he had received them within two or three months, however 10 This information clearly suggests that this was not the first time RAH had ordered books abr. These letters thus shed light on some aspects of life at Riau in the 1860s More research is needed to get a clearer picture of the contacts between the Dutch and the Malays here in this penod, as wel1 as a better idea of the relations at the court of Penyengat. Arena Wati, 1989, Syair P angeran Syarif Hasyim Al-Qudsi, Bangi Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Gallop, Annabel Teh, and Bernard Arps, 199 1, Golden Letters Writing Traditions of Indonesia Surat Emas Budaya Tulis di Indonesia, London The British Library 1 Jakarta Yayasan Lontar. Hasan Junus, 1988, Raja Ali Haji Budayawan di Gerbang Abad XX, Pekanbaru Universitas Islam Riau Press. Matheson, Virginia, and Barbara Watson Andaya, 1982, The Precwus Gift Tuhfat al-Nafi Raja Ali Haji ibn Ahmad, Kuala Lumpur Oxford University Press. Menick, R H forthcoming, Brieven van H C Klinkert. Raja Ali Haji, 198617, Kitab Pengetahuan Bahasa, Yaitu Kamus Logat Melayu Johor Pahang Riau Lingga, Pekanbaru Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan First irnpression in Jawi script in 1927, transliterated for this edition by R Hamzah Yunus. Ronkel, Ph S van, 1909, Catalogus der Malekche Handschnfien in het Museum van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en We tenschappen 57.Wall, H von de, 1870, Boekbeoordeling door H von de Wall Kitab Perkeboenan bagi kanakkanak jang hendak menoentoet berladjar akan dija , Tijdschnftvoorlndische, Taal-, Landen Volkenkunde 565-74.-, 1877-84, Maleisch-Nederlandsch Woordenboek, 3 vols, Batavia Landsdrukkerij Wilkinson R J 1957, Notes on Malay Letter-Writing in R O Winstedt, Malay Grammar, pp 183-205, Oxford Clarendon Press Second Revised Edition. The Original Letters in Transliteration.1 Dated Rabiulakhir 1275 i e 8 November to 6 December 1858.Alhamdulillah wa al syukur Allah. Kemudian kita menerima kasihlah yang amat banyak kepada sahabat kita yang sebenarnya tolan kita yang boleh menerangkan kebenaran kita seperti lepaslah keaiban kita dan kemaluan kita. Syahdan yang kita pegang selama2 ini, biarlah kita jadi orang miskin atau jadi orang kecil, asalkan jangan kita cacat kepada agama atau nama Karena apabila orang2 tiada memeliharakan yang dua perkara itu, tiada guna panjang umur di dalam dunia karena sama jug a dengan binatang. Itulah siang malam kita pinta kepada Allah Taala kita hidup dengan kesempurnaan yang kita sudah selama2nya mengetahui yang orang2 yang dialahkan dengan sebab bughat itu haram badannya diperhamba atau hartanya diambil jikalau satu jarum sekalipun, melainkan barang yang binasa di dalam peperangan itu, tiadalah harus diganti. Inilah tersebut di dalam kitab2 Nanti kita tunjukkan kepada sahabat kita tentang hukuman bughat di dalam kitab yang sahabat kita suruh pakai kepada kita itu Apalagi kitab Arab, maka yaitu terlalu banyak serta dengan keras larangannya tentang perkara itu. Syahdan dari sebab inilah kita takut akan orang yang fasik2 yang tiada takut akan Allah Taala barangkali ada kepada tangannya anak bini orang yang belum lepas idahnya atau dengan tiada rida dirinya dicabulinya, diperbuatnya tidak ketahuan Maklumlah sahabat kita orang yang jahil2 Jadi pekerjaan itu zalim, memberi cedera kepada ugama dan kepada negeri Maka sebab itulah kita beri ingatan kepada orang2 it u dengan surat yang sedikit itu, karena pekerjaan mengingatkan orang wajib kepada kita Hendakpun kita aturkan bini2 orang begini2 dan anak yang kecil2 begini2, itu tiada sekali2 kita berani karena pekerjaan itu tuan residen dengan Yang Dipertuan Tiadalah kita boleh campur di situ Inilah yang kita pegang adanya. Maktub Rabiulakhir sanah 1275. The letter is addressed on side four as follows alamat surat kepada sahabat kita tuan van de Wal asisten residen.2 Dated 17 Safar 1287 H 19 May 1870.Salam yang dipesertakan dengan hormat kepada paduka sahabat kita tuan van de Wal. Syahdan adalah kita menyatakan kepada paduka sahabat kita pasal daripada perkara kamus tentang daripada bahasa galur , adakah sudah terbuat atau belum Coba periksa pada bab al-Kaf awalnya, akhirnya Ra, kita lupa Jikalau belum ada kita kirimkan, boleh dibuat karena bahasa galur lagi tengah mufassarnya yang am manfaatnya Sebab itu kita panjang dua hari lagi habislah Apabila habis kita bawa kepada paduka sahabat kita. Syahdan y ang kita pun tahu juga yang maksud paduka bukannya perkara mufassar, hanyalah dikehendaki paduka sahabat itu hanyalah bahasa maknacmufrad jua Maka sudah jugalah ia makna mufrad Adapun makna mufassar pada kamus yang dicadangkan khas pada orang2 Melayu jua adanya. Dan lagi ini ada kita kirimkan syair karangan saudara kita Raja Daud, yaitu syair Siarah Said Qasim tatkala ia mengerjakan gubernemen Adalah ia minta buatkan kepada saudara kita itu akan kisah dia tatkala ia mengerjakan gubernemen, serta dikirimkannya segala perjalanan kelakuannya pada masa ia bekerja pekerjaan gubernemen, minta syairkan Maka disyairkan oleh saudara kita itu Daud, sudah dua Yang satu dikirimkanlah kepadanya, yang satu inilah kita hadiahkan kepada paduka sahabat kita adanya Boleh dibaca2 permainan. Syahdan lagi yang kita pada bulan ini adalah di dalam hal sedikit susah hendak melepaskan khitan anak kita itu Husin Jadi kita di dalam sehari dua ini bimbanglah dengan pekerjaan membuat2 bangsal2 buruk dan lainnya dari pada tempat makan2 lebai2 Buruk tiadalah dengan sepertinya, sekedarkan melepaskan yang fardu jua adanya Sebab kita terlalu picik daripada rezeki, bukannya seperti yang telah lalu Daripada tahun yang lepas2 ada juga yang lebih-lebih sedikit daripada hajat yang diambil daripada pulau2 Karimun dan Kundur Sekarang yang dua2 pulau itu sudah kurang semuanya, tiada jadi lagi timahnya dan lainnya adanya Intih. Tersurat pada 4 bulan Jumadilakhir sanah 1287. 1 For a bibliography of the works written by Raja Ali Haji, see Hasan Junus 1988. 2 For his collection of Malay manuscnpts, see Van Ronkel 1909 The effects of the activities of European collectors on literary production are apparent from the letters written by Klinkert to the Bible Society from Riau in the mid - 1860s Initially June 1864 , Klinkert complained about the difficulties of finding manuscripts in Riau, while later he complained about not having sufficient funds to purchase al1 the manuscnpts offered to him Copies of those of Klinker t s letters which have been tracked down so far were kindly supplied to US by Drs R Menick, of Leiden University, who is prepanng an edition of Klinkert s letters. 3 The folders are marked with the letters A to M The three separate letters were placed in a folder marked B capital , while the other Malay letters addressed to Von de Wall were in a folder marked b lower case. 4 The letter refers to, among other things, the waiting-penod for widows before remamage idah , which corresponds with the contents of letters by RAH from the same period which we recently discovered in Jakarta and an edition of which is soon to be published. 5 In another letter dated Rabiulakhir 1275 forming part of two manuscripts with letters kept in Jakarta, see Van Ronkel 1909 467 , RAH reported to vdW that he had been informed by one Raja Husin of a smear campaign against him, with imputations that he had kept two concubines from Reteh RAH informs vdW that the women in question had come to. him asking him what the Islamic law said about the idah period which they had to observe after their husbands were killed in the attack on Reteh from 13 October to 7 November 1858 RAH had jotted down the rules on idah in a smal1 note, which he also sent to vdW and which also forms part of the Jakarta collection He asks vdW if he has any idea of how to get out of this delicate situation with the Resident s help This apparently had been successful. 6 Von de Wall, in his dictionary, lists this wqd under the entry induk , as an unusual contraction alongside perindoen. 7 We have presemed the spelling used by RAH here The syair in question is of course Syair Pangeran Syarif Hasyim Arena Wati 1989. 8 The Datuk mentioned in this letter probably was Haji Ibrahim, who bore the title Datuk Orang Kaya Muda He was the other acknowledged informant of vdW Matheson and Watson Andaya 1982 407 , who himself was a writer and a dignitary at the court of Riau Lingga. 9 The letters K and P mentioned in the present correspondente are not included in the published material, which stops at the letter C Raja Ali Haji 198617. 10 The other letter referred to here is a letter from RAH to vdW dated 3 May 1870 which forms part of the collection in Jakarta The relevant passage reads kita berpesan kepada tuan2 haji2 yang di dalam Mekah sampai setahun tiada dapat khabar dan kepada paduka sahabat kita ini dua tiga bulan sudah hasil maksud. Posted 04 May 2011 06 54 AM PDT. Tarutao National Marine Park, Satun Province, Thailand. By Dr Supin Wongbusarakum. The Urak Lawoi are indigenous people of the Adang Archipelago Although they are often grouped together with the Moken and Moklen and collectively referred to as sea gypsies or sea nomads, these peoples in fact each have distinctively different origins, cultures, and languages. In the Urak Lawoi language, the word urak means people, and lawoi means sea It is generally accepted that the Urak Lawoi ethnically belong to t he Malay Groups They speak a Malayo-Polynesian language that can be considered a dialect of Malay There is no written form for the language In Thailand, Urak Lawoi live mainly on the coast and the islands of the Andaman Sea Their main communities include Bulon islands, Adang Island, and Lipe Island in Satun Province Sireh Island, Rawi Beach, Sapum Bay and Chalong Bay in Phuket Lanta Yai, Chum Poo Island, and Phi Phi Don Island in Krabi The last names of Urak Lawoi people include Harntalee meaning brave sea , which is most common in the Adang Archipelago, Pramongkit fishery in Phuket, and Taleeluk deep sea in Lanta Yai. Lanta Yai Island is referred to as the original home of many Urak Lawoi in the Adang Archipelago To Kiri, their most respected ancestor, was a Muslim traveler and adventurer from Indonesia In the early 1900 s, he was married to an Urak Lawoi on LantaYai Island Because he was aware of the richness of the natural resources in the Adang Archipelago, he readily agreed when th e provincial government of Satun encouraged him to bring Urak Lawoi to the Adang Archipelago so that the area would be occupied by a Thai population when new borders between Thailand and Malaysia were being established To Kiri started an Urak Lawoi settlement on Lipe Island in 1909.As the meaning of the name sea people indicates, the Urak Lawoi have centered their life on the use of marine and coastal resources and have inseparable ties to the sea Traditionally, their houses were located on beaches where they could look out to sea and watch over their boats For them, the sea and near shore areas are not only their main sources of livelihood, but also their home and the environment around which the core of their traditional culture has developed The Urak Lawoi display great resourcefulness and ingenuity in sea-related activities They are good boatmen, skilled fishermen, and excellent divers able to move freely and stay comfortably underwater for long periods of time In the past, Urak La woi divers did not use any kind of equipment, except for a small pair of tailored goggles made of carved wood and glass. Traditionally the Urak Lawoi had a subsistence lifestyle supported by semi-nomadic food foraging practices They had permanent houses on the strand, but were nomadic in their fishing and gathering activities Foraging made it possible for the Urak Lawoi to use a wide variety of natural resources at different sites in the Adang Archipelago and to subsist with no outside assistance The Urak Lawoi shared local resources among themselves without a sense of ownership Up to several months during the dry season, entire families traveled together to different foraging sites These long-term foraging trips are called bagad in the Urak Lawoi language During bagad, simple shelters were built on beaches where people were well protected from strong winds and from which they had an easy access to fresh water During the monsoon rainy season, travelers returned to their houses. Tradition al means of harvesting sea life in the Adang Archipelago include spears, hook-and-line, bamboo traps, and gathering in the inter-tidal zone Urak Lawoi women commonly helped with intertidal harvesting and with after-catch processes, such as drying and salting Among the favorite sea foods of the Urak Lawoi are certain fishes such as flowery cod, mangrove jack, Russel s snapper, long nose emperor and giant trevally , crabs, lobsters, giant clams, turtles, acorn worms, chitons, and sea cucumbers. To forage successfully, the Urak Lawoi require a vast store of profound local knowledge, including detailed understanding of the regional geography, weather, natural conditions of the sea and the coast, the nature and habits of the animals they harvest, fishing-and-gathering skills, and specialized food-processing techniques Such knowledge is best acquired and refined in the course of daily local practice Learning is first-hand and experiential. Boats were once the most essential and highly valued p art of Urak Lawoi material culture Each household had a rowboat of about 3 meters long, sometimes equipped with a sail, and made of locally available wood In the past, boats were crafted by hand with simple axes, with different members of the community helping one another The Urak Lawoi s close relationship with boats is well reflected in their loi rua floating boat , festival the most important festival that they celebrate-- which takes place for 3 days and 3 nights during the full moon of the 6th and 11th months of the lunar calendar The Urak Lawoi use the occasion to pay respect to their ancestors and symbolically to float away their misfortune with a small ceremonial boat, constructed mainly out of the soft wood of the zalacca palm for this special purpose. The majority of Urak Lawoi engage in animistic practices They revere to their ancestral spirits and believe that certain places are inhabited by guardian spirits For the Urak Lawoi, the natural and supernatural are not sharply di stinguished Till today, offerings are made on special occasions and to ask for good harvesting, and some Urak Lawoi carry a talisman to ward off bad spirits and misfortune Others believe that illnesses can be treated by a spirit medium. In terms of arts, rammana and rong ngeng are the only forms still practiced today Both have a Malay origin and were supposedly influenced by Western Europeans during colonial times Rammana is percussion music and singing, usually performed as a part of a ceremony, for example to thank the spirits for a granted wish or at the loi rua festival Rong Ngeng is dance performance accompanied by singing and music of drums and violins While it was a popular folk dance and singing in the past, today rong ngeng is only performed in welcoming ceremonies and at organized events. Having resided in the Adang Archipelago for the last 100 years, over the past few decades, the Urak Lawoi have undergone rapid change in their ways of life With the park rules and regulations, their nomadic foraging way of life has been discontinued There are no longer any long-term bagad sites and villages scattered across the beaches of the archipelago Today, the only Urak Lawoi villages are found on Lipe Island and the northeastern side of Adang Island The intensification of commercial fishing and a fast growing tourism industry in the area offer alternative livelihoods that are moving the Urak Lawoi from a subsistence way of life into the market economy New technologies, accessibility via improved transportation, and formal public education are rapidly introducing the realities of globalization, modernization, and urban aspirations. Because the Urak Lawoi language is strictly oral, indigenous knowledge is transmitted orally by elders who possess the knowledge or directly by experiential learning through involvement in traditional activities Today, the environment of the Adang Archipelago, livelihood conditions and activities are rapidly changing, and it has become diffic ult for the Urak Lawoi to sustain their traditional culture and traditions Support for the conservation of their traditional culture can be given by accepting their rights as the indigenous people and the first inhabitants of the Adang Archipelago and respectfully acknowledging that they have a unique culture Additionally, an understanding is required that Urak Lawoi in the present generation are facing the fact that their own traditional culture is at a great risk of disintegrating and disappearing even as they are learning about introduced new cultures, and how to make decisions about adaptative and alternative ways of life that will allow for a sustainable development of their own community The conservation of Urak Lawoi culture is a challenge in which all of us can play important roles. Project Support for Rehabilitation of Traditional Communities Affected by the Tsunami. Supported by The United Nations Development Programme UNDP , United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNESCO Asia and Pacific Regional Bureau for Education, and Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute CUSRI. Posted 04 May 2011 06 06 AM PDT. Jakarta - Eep Saefullah Fatah, pengamat politik yang juga penulis cerpen, menyambut baik kehadiran Jurnal Sajak dan Jurnal Kritik, yang diluncurkan Selasa, 3 Mei 2011, di Pusat Dokumentasi Sastra HB Jassin, Taman Ismail Marzuki, Cikini, Jakarta Pusat. Kedua jurnal ini dapat menjadi jangkar yang akan menyeret kapal untuk berlabuh Ia akan membuat kita tak terombang-ambing di tengah lautan produksi massal karya sastra , katanya dalam diskusi yang menyertai peluncuran jurnal tersebut. Kedua jurnal tersebut diterbitkan oleh The Intercultural Institute, sebuah lembaga nirlaba untuk kebudayaan dan kesusastraan, bekerja sama dengan Komodo Books Pengelola kedua jurnal tersebut adalah para sastrawan yang sudah cukup dikenal, seperti Jamal D Rahman, Acep Zamzam Noor, Al Azhar, Agus R Sarjono, Ahmad Syubbanuddin Alwy, Berthold Damshuser, dan Tugas Suprianto. Menurut Eep, keberadaan media sosial sekarang telah memungkinkan siapa saja untuk berkarya dan mempublikasikan karyanya Tapi, dia memperingatkan, ada sejumlah bahaya dari produksi massal karya tersebut, yakni munculnya banyak karya yang sebenarnya tidak layak produksi Sambil mengutip pendapat penyair WS Rendra, Eep menyatakan bahwa kelayakan berproduksi adalah ketika orang mampu berkontemplas i di saat menyatukan aksi dan reaksi. Salah satu bahaya dari produksi massal karya, kata Eep, adalah ketika setiap karya jadi personal Tapi, karya itu tidak punya kaki pada komunitas, kata CEO PolMark Indonesia, lembaga konsultan pemasaran politik. Jurnal sastra seperti Jurnal Sajak dan Jurnal Kritik, menurut Eep, berperan untuk menghindari berbagai bahaya dari produksi massal karya Jurnal, katanya, selain menjadi jangkar, juga akan mengikat para pembuat karya pada komunitas. Ia juga jadi saringan, yang membuat setiap orang bertanggung jawab atas produksinya, kata Eep Dalam hal ini, setiap karya yang masuk akan disaring oleh tim redaksi, yang tentu akan memilih secara bertanggung jawab. Posted 04 May 2011 06 00 AM PDT. Bogor, Jabar - Presiden International Association of Amusement Parks and Attractions IAAPA Robert S Rippy, mengunjungi lembaga konservasi satwa ex-situ di luar habitat Taman Safari Indonesia Cisarua, Kabupaten Bogor, Jawa Barat, yang juga salah satu objek wisata nasional Kunjungan Presiden IAAPA itu telah dilangsungkan pada Rabu 27 4 2011 pekan lalu, kata Direktur Taman Safari Indonesia Frans Manansang di Cisarua, Senin 2 5 2011.IAAPA adalah sebuah organisasi yang membawahi asosiasi berbagai taman wisata yang ada di berbagai belahan dunia, dan bermarkas di Amerika Serikat. Menurut Frans Manansang, kedatangan Robert S Rippy merupakan kunjungan yang pertama kalinya ke Taman Safari Indonesia Cisarua Robert merasa kagum terhadap keindahan alam Indon esia, khususnya di TSI yang telah melakukan kegiatan penghijauan sejak berdirinya objek wisata ini, katanya. Selama berada di TSI Cisarua, Robert S Rippy beserta rombongan yang didampingi oleh beberapa staf diajak untuk berkeliling di lokasi satwa Rombongan kemudian juga sempat singgah sejenak di Rumah Sakit Satwa, khususnya di nursery room tempat perawatan bayi-bayi satwa Kemudian, secara khusus juga diajak untuk melihat Pusat Penangkaran Harimau Sumatra Panthera tegris sumatrae. Sementara itu, menurut juru bicara TSI Cisarua, Yulius H Suprihardo, selain penangkaran, TSI Cisarua juga memiliki bank sperma bagi Harimau Sumatera, dengan tujuan untuk mencegah ancaman kepunahan dan menghasilkan mutu genetis yang bagus Ini dilakukan, agar kelak anak cucu kita masih dapat melihat seperti apa rupa Harimau Sumatera itu sebenarnya, katanya. Yulius menambahkan, bagi masyarakat luas juga bisa melihat tingkah polah Harimau Sumatra dan kebiasaan mereka di habitat aslinya melalui program Educational Sh ow Panggung Singa Macan setiap hari di area rekreasi TSI Cisarua Jadi, melalui program itu dipadukan antara sisi pendidikan konservasi dan juga hiburannya, katanya Yulius. Sebelum mengakiri perjalanannya, Robert S Rippy memberikan pesan dan kesan Saya harus menyatakan bahwa TSI Cisarua adalah sebuah taman yang mengagumkan Dengan design landscape yang sangat cantik Tidak seperti yang saya bayangkan sebelumnya Begitu juga atraksi satwanya sangat terlihat alami Saya dapat merekomendasikan semua yang ke Jakarta, agar sewaktu-waktu harus berkunjung ke Taman Safari Indonesia, kata Robert seperti dikutip Frans Manangsang.

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